《Israel A Concise History of a Nation Reborn (Daniel Gordis) 》读书笔记

《Israel A Concise History of a Nation Reborn (Daniel Gordis) 》

 Daniel Gordis

 116个笔记

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• 2026/01/09 认为好看

  更像是复杂文化、民族、阶层下的治理，想到了凯原课上，老师提到20年前上海社会问题，习回复的 缓用警、徐图之

 Epigraph

• Restrain your voice from weeping,控制好自己的声音，不要让声音透露出哭泣的情绪。 Your eyes from shedding tears;你的双眼止不住地流泪； For there is reward for your labor . . .因为你的辛勤工作一定会得到回报…… And there is hope for your future—你的未来充满希望…… Your children shall return to their land.你的子孙将会回到他们的故土。 —Jeremiah 31:16–17——《耶利米书》31:16–17
• A human life, I think, should be well rooted in some spot of a native land, where it may get the love of tender kinship for the face of earth, for the labours men go forth to, for the sounds and accents that haunt it, for whatever will give that early home a familiar unmistakable difference amidst the future widening of knowledge . . . a spot where the definiteness of early memories may be inwrought with affection.我认为，一个人的生命应该深深扎根于自己的故乡。在那个地方，人们能够感受到对大地的热爱，对人们所从事的劳动的热爱，对那些萦绕在耳边的声音和口音的热爱；无论是什么，都能让那个最初的家园在日后不断扩展的知识视野中，依然保持着那种独特而亲切的特征……在一个这样的地方，那些早期的记忆也会被深深浸染上浓浓的深情。 —George Eliot, Daniel Deronda

 Introduction: A Grand Human Story

• In Israel, in order to be a realist you must believe in miracles.在以色列，要想成为一个现实主义者，你就必须相信奇迹的存在。—David Ben-Gurion, Israel’s first prime minister1——大卫·本-古里安，以色列首位总理
• TWAIN WAS MORE PRESCIENT than even he might have expected. The State of Israel was created exactly fifty years after his article was published in Harper’s, and is, in many ways, one of the most extraordinary human stories of all time. It would be hard to name a single other people that had been through such a calamitous period and that, in the space of a few short decades, accomplished so much and rose to such heights. Though very real, what has unfolded in Israel over the last century sometimes sounds like a fairy tale.托尔金所预见的，甚至超出了他自己的预期。在他那篇文章发表在《哈珀》杂志上整整五十年后，以色列国应运而生；在许多方面来看，它确实是人类历史上最不可思议的奇迹之一。很难找到另外哪个人类，在经历了如此灾难性的时期之后，还能在短短几十年的时间里取得如此巨大的成就，并达到如此高的境界。虽然这一切都是真实发生的，但过去一个世纪在以色列发生的这些事情，有时听起来简直像是一个童话故事。
• The early years were desperately difficult. The new state, with no financial reserves and very little infrastructure, suddenly had to absorb masses of immigrants much larger than its own population. Jews from North Africa, Iran, Iraq, and elsewhere came to Israel by the hundreds of thousands when their host countries expelled them after the Jewish state was created; another one hundred and fifty thousand refugees from the Holocaust, bearing all the traumas of their horrific experience, also arrived at Israel’s borders. Formerly swamp-ridden and still uncultivated in some areas and a largely barren desert in others, bereft of natural resources, and almost completely out of cash, the state had few options for feeding and offering shelter to all these people and began to ration food. Just a few years after its creation, the country was in danger of financial collapse.最初的几年里，情况极其艰难。这个新成立的国家没有财政储备，基础设施也非常匮乏，却突然不得不接收数量远远超过其本国人口的大量移民。当犹太国家建立后，北非、伊朗、伊拉克等地的犹太人被当地政府驱逐，成千上万地涌向以色列；另外还有15万大屠杀幸存者，他们带着那些可怕经历留下的心理创伤，也来到了以色列边境。以色列境内有些地区原本是沼泽地，至今仍未得到开垦；另一些地区则是一片荒漠，缺乏任何自然资源，而且资金也几乎枯竭。面对如此庞大的移民人口，这个国家几乎没有办法为他们提供食物和住所，于是开始实行食物配给制度。在建国仅仅几年后，这个国家就已经面临财政崩溃的危险。Israelis did not give up, though, in part because they had nowhere to go. American Jews, long ambivalent about the very idea of a Jewish state, sent Israel desperately needed financial resources. Then Germany paid Holocaust reparations, and Israel began its slow climb out of poverty and weakness. With time, it built an infrastructure of roads and manufacturing, a national water carrier, and much more housing. It flexed its muscles and emerged as a player even beyond its own region, collaborating with the United States, England, and France in complex international intrigue. Two decades after the creation of Israel, its successes and the different image of what it meant to be a Jew inspired Soviet Jews to demand permission to emigrate. A few decades later, Israel became an economic and technological powerhouse; the envy of much of the West, it had more companies listed on the NASDAQ than the entire European continent combined.然而，以色列人并没有放弃，部分原因在于他们无处可去。长期以来，美国犹太人对建立犹太国家的想法一直持矛盾态度，但最终还是向以色列提供了它迫切需要的财政支持。后来，德国支付了大屠杀赔款，以色列也因此开始逐步摆脱贫困与弱小。随着时间的推移，以色列建成了完善的道路、制造业基础设施，建立了国家水利系统，并建造了大量住房。它逐渐展现了自身的实力，成为了一个不仅在本地区具有重要影响力的国家，还与美国、英国和法国等国家在复杂的国际事务中展开合作。在以色列建国二十年后，它的成功以及“作为犹太人意味着什么”这一概念所体现出的全新内涵，激发了苏联犹太人要求获得移民许可的愿望。几十年后，以色列已然发展成为一支在经济和技术领域具有强大实力的国家；它令西方许多国家感到羡慕——在纳斯达克上市的以色列企业数量，竟然超过了整个欧洲大陆上市企业数量的总和。
• Israel is a complex and dynamic place. It is a country filled with sacred places but also a secular (some would say profane) thriving bar and music scene. It is a deeply traditional society in some ways, and hypermodern in others. It is home to ultra-Orthodox Jews who shun much of modernity and one of the world’s high-tech capitals. It is home to Jews of different colors, Jews of different ethnic backgrounds, Jews who speak different languages, Jews both secular and religious—and many non-Jews, as well. Most of the many immigrants that Israel absorbed (and per capita, Israel has absorbed more immigrants than any country in the world) came from countries without a democratic tradition; yet Israel has always been a democracy, and a thriving one, at that. And though a tiny country in terms of both size and population, Israel and its story are constantly at the center of the world’s attention. It is essentially impossible to understand today’s world without understanding the Jewish state—with all its vibrancy but also its complexity.以色列是一个复杂而充满活力的地方。这个国家不仅拥有许多神圣的场所，同时也拥有充满活力的酒吧和音乐文化。在某些方面，它是一个极其传统的社会；而在其他方面，它又极具现代气息。这里既有那些拒绝接受现代文明的极端正统派犹太人，也有世界上著名的高科技中心之一。在这里，生活着各种背景、说着不同语言的犹太人——既有世俗的犹太人，也有虔诚的宗教信徒；同时，这里也居住着许多非犹太人。以色列吸收的大量移民中，绝大多数来自那些没有民主传统的国家；然而以色列本身却始终是一个民主国家，而且还是一个充满活力的民主国家。尽管以色列在面积和人口规模上都只是一个微小的国家，但它的存在及其发展历程却始终备受世界关注。如果不了解这个犹太国家——了解它所拥有的活力以及其中的复杂性，那么就根本不可能理解当今的世界。
• As it tells the story of what happened, this book focuses especially on why things happened. Where did Jews get the idea of going to Palestine and building a country there? Why did the Zionists insist that their country had to be in Palestine, of all places? When and why did the world get behind the idea? How did people who came from mostly nondemocratic countries build a democracy that has chugged along admirably since its inception? Why do Israelis seem so hopelessly and vehemently divided on so many issues? Why have the Israeli and American Jewish communities long been so split on many critical issues? What lies in Israel’s future?这本书通过讲述所发生的事情，特别探讨了这些事情为何会发生。犹太人是从哪里产生去巴勒斯坦并在那里建立国家的想法的？为什么犹太复国主义者坚持认为他们的国家必须建在巴勒斯坦这个地方？世界又是何时、为何开始支持这一想法的？那些来自大多非民主国家的人民，是如何建立起一个自诞生以来发展得相当顺利的民主国家的？为什么以色列人在许多问题上会存在如此尖锐的分歧？为什么以色列和美国的犹太社区在许多关键问题上长期以来一直存在分歧？以色列的未来会走向何方？
• This book also recounts many of the stories that are central to how Israelis understand themselves and their country. Just as the stories of Paul Revere’s nighttime ride, George Washington against all odds crossing the frozen Delaware River, and the courageous fight to the end at the Alamo are central to the story that Americans tell about themselves, so too are the stories Israelis tell about their own history. These memories are key to understanding Israelis’ mind-set, the way they view their history, their state, and how the world sees them; so this book tells the most important of those stories, as well.这本书还讲述了许多对以色列人理解自身及他们国家的身份认同具有核心意义的故事。正如保罗·里维尔在夜色中骑马传递警报的故事、乔治·华盛顿在极其艰难的条件下渡过冰封的特拉华河的故事，以及阿拉莫战役中以色列人所展现出的英勇抵抗精神，这些故事都是美国人讲述自己历史时不可或缺的部分；同样，以色列人讲述自己历史时也会提及这些故事。这些记忆对于理解以色列人的思维方式、他们如何看待自己的历史与国家，以及世界如何看待他们，都具有重要意义。因此，这本书也选取了其中最为重要的故事进行讲述。
• Some other issues remain virtually untouched. The economic history of Israel, for example, is fascinating, but with the exception of moments such as German reparations, which saved Israel economically, or Israel’s improbable high-tech boom, this book does not devote much attention to Israel’s economy. Of necessity, many events and personalities are not included in a brief history such as this.还有一些其他问题基本上没有被涉及。例如，以色列的经济发展史其实非常有趣，但除了德国提供的赔款为以色列带来了经济上的帮助，以及以色列在高科技领域取得的惊人发展之外，这本书对以色列的经济状况并没有给予太多关注。当然，对于这样一部简短的史书来说，有许多事件和人物自然而然地被省略掉了。
• I have tried to be sensitive to these many positions, and at the same time, to tell the story in a way that I believe the facts support. By focusing on both the accomplishments and the missteps, the extraordinary history and the worrisome future, the well intentioned as well as the malevolent, I have sought to convey the history of Israel not as an amalgam of facts, but as a story. As in any great story, there are characters who develop and fade away, who make mistakes but also reach for greatness. The characters in this story are people, movements, political parties, states, and more. I have sought to tell the story in both as compelling and as fair a manner as I could.我努力去理解这些不同的立场，同时也试图以我认为事实能够支持的方式来讲述这个故事。通过同时关注以色列的成就与失误、它那非凡的历史以及令人担忧的未来，包括那些出于善意的行为与那些恶意的行为，我试图将以色列的历史呈现出来——不是作为一系列事实的简单堆砌，而是一个完整的故事。就像任何一部伟大的故事一样，这个故事中也有一些角色会逐渐成长或逐渐消失，他们会犯错，但也会努力追求卓越。这个故事中的“角色”包括各种各样的人、各种运动、政党以及国家等等。我尽力以既引人入胜又公正的方式来讲述这个故事。
• Israel: A Concise History of a Nation Reborn tells the history of a tiny country and the ancient idea from which it springs. It tells the story of a country that has long beaten the odds, but which still faces frightening—some say insurmountable—enemies and hurdles. It is the story of a people reborn, but at great cost. Israel’s story is a complicated one, both dramatic and sad. It is a wondrous and inspiring story, one that affects our world almost everywhere we turn.《以色列：一个重生民族的简明历史》讲述了这个小小国家的历史，以及它所源于的那些古老理念。这本书记录了一个长期以来不断战胜种种艰难险阻的国家的发展历程，但这个国家依然面临着一些令人恐惧——甚至有人认为这些障碍是无法克服的——敌人与阻碍。这也是一个关于一个民族重生历程的故事，只不过这个重生过程付出了巨大的代价。以色列的故事十分复杂，既充满戏剧性，也充满悲伤。然而，这仍然是一个令人惊叹且鼓舞人心的故事，它的影响几乎遍布我们生活的每一个角落。

 1 Poetry and Politics: The Jewish Nation Seeks a Home

• In that warm and beautiful land, does evil reign and do calamities happen, too?在那个温暖而美丽的土地上，也会肆虐邪恶、发生灾难吗？—Chaim Nachman Bialik, “To the Bird”——柴姆·纳赫曼·比亚利克，《致那只鸟》
• Violence was hardly the only expression of Europe’s disdain for Jews. In the 1880s, the Russian government placed strict limits on the numbers of Jews who could be admitted to schools and universities. The authorities sought—and found—almost endless ways to harass the Jews; in 1891–1892, Russian police expelled no less than twenty thousand Jews from Moscow.2 Everywhere they turned, Jews faced a continent that despised and harassed them.暴力绝非欧洲人对犹太人表现出不屑的唯一方式。19世纪80年代，俄罗斯政府严格限制了犹太人进入学校和大学的数量。当权者想出了无数种手段来骚扰犹太人；在1891年至1892年间，俄罗斯警方甚至将多达两万名犹太人驱逐出了莫斯科。无论他们走到哪里，都面临着一个对他们充满鄙视与骚扰的欧洲大陆。
• Many Jews had expected that matters would be different, that modernity would herald a new era of reason and tolerance. But that hope was rapidly fading. Peretz (Peter) Smolenskin (1842–1885), a Russian Jewish novelist, warned the Jews that they ought to be realists. “Do not believe those who say that this is an age of wisdom and an age of love for mankind; do not turn to the words of those who praise this time as a time for human justice and honesty; it is a lie!”3许多犹太人原本期望情况会有所不同，认为现代性将会开启一个充满理性与宽容的新时代。然而，这种希望很快就破灭了。俄罗斯犹太小说家佩雷茨·斯莫伦斯金（1842–1885）警告犹太人，他们应当认清现实：“不要相信那些声称我们生活在一个充满智慧、人们彼此充满爱的人类时代的人；也不要听信那些将这个时代誉为人类正义与诚实之光的人的话——那些都是谎言！”With time, it became clear to many that as bad as Jewish life in eastern Europe already was, it was going to become infinitely worse. A mass exodus began. Between 1882 and 1914, some 2.5 million Jews departed eastern Europe, primarily from Austria, Poland, and Romania. During the fifteen years that preceded World War I, approximately 1.3 million Jews left Russia.4 A huge portion of them went to America, where they created what would become the thriving American Jewish community of the twentieth century. A small fraction of them went to Palestine.随着时间的推移，许多人逐渐意识到：尽管东欧的犹太人当时已经生活在极其艰难的环境中，但情况还会进一步恶化。因此，大规模的移民潮开始了。在1882年至1914年期间，约有250万犹太人离开了东欧，其中大多数人来自奥地利、波兰和罗马尼亚。在第一次世界大战前的15年里，又有大约130万犹太人离开了俄罗斯。他们中的许多人前往了美国，在那里建立了20世纪繁荣发展的美国犹太社区；只有一小部分人选择了前往巴勒斯坦。
• Yet despite the progress, even western European Jews could not escape the continent’s hatred. If Jews in eastern Europe were often scapegoated as disruptive revolutionaries, in western Europe, they were blamed for society’s financial ills. Though they constituted less than 1 percent of Germany’s population, Jews had quickly assumed high-profile and elite positions in all of society’s professions, particularly in finance and politics.然而，尽管取得了这些进展，即便是西欧的犹太人也无法摆脱这片大陆上的仇恨。在东欧，犹太人常常被当作破坏社会稳定的革命者来指责；而在西欧，他们则被认定为导致社会经济问题的罪魁祸首。尽管犹太人在德国人口中所占的比例不足1%，但他们却迅速在社会的各个领域，尤其是在金融界和政界，占据了重要的地位。
• But many Germans grew resentful. Almost everywhere one turned, there was an air of anti-Jewish sentiment. Newspapers, books, and magazines railed against the stereotypical greedy, capitalist, and corrupt Jew, a motif that informed genocidal regimes that would follow in the mid-twentieth century. In the wake of a financial crisis in 1873, much of the German bourgeoisie blamed the Jews for its newfound financial woes. Although the “[a]ristocrats were . . . as greedy as anyone else . . . in the prevailing myth . . . aristocrats remained great statesmen, valiant soldiers, and devoted public servants. In the aftermath of the crash, popular fury was directed not at them and the government they dominated but at the Jews.”8但许多德国人开始感到愤慨。几乎在任何地方，都能感受到反犹太情绪的存在。报纸、书籍和杂志不断抨击那些被刻板地描绘成贪婪、资本主义且腐败的犹太人，而这种观念后来为20世纪中叶出现的种族灭绝政权提供了理论依据。1873年金融危机发生后，许多德国资产阶级将自身的经济困境归咎于犹太人。尽管在当时的普遍观念中，“贵族和其他人一样贪婪”，但实际上……贵族们依然是伟大的政治家、勇敢的战士以及忠诚的公仆。然而金融危机过后，民众的愤怒并没有指向贵族们及其控制的政府，而是指向了犹太人。
• Early in his university career, Herzl picked up a book by Eugen Karl Dühring, one of the period’s leading intellectuals. Entitled The Jewish Problem as a Problem of Race, Morals and Culture (1882), the book argued that the emancipation of the Jews in Europe and their integration into European society had been detrimental to Europe. Dühring advocated reversing much of the emancipation; some of his followers began to speak of returning the Jews to ghettos.在大学求学初期，赫茨尔读到了一本由当时著名的知识分子欧根·卡尔·杜林所写的书。这本书名为《犹太问题：一个涉及种族、道德与文化的问题》（1882年出版），书中认为，欧洲犹太人的解放以及他们融入欧洲社会这一进程实际上对欧洲有害。杜林主张应撤销大部分解放犹太人的措施；他的某些追随者甚至开始提出将犹太人重新赶回贫民区的想法。What was as disturbing to Herzl as Dühring’s ideas was the fact that Dühring was hardly an uneducated thug. “If Dühring, who unites so much undeniable intelligence with so much universality of knowledge, can write like this,” Herzl wondered, “what are we to expect from the ignorant masses?”9对赫茨尔来说，与杜林的思想一样令人不安的是，杜林其实绝不是一个没有受过教育的暴徒。“如果像杜林这样一个人——他既拥有无可否认的智慧，又具备广泛的知识面——都能写出这样的东西来，”赫茨尔不禁思考，“那么我们还能对那些无知的群众抱有什么期望呢？”
• Ironically, it was Dühring—both a celebrated European intellectual and also a vicious anti-Semite—who played a significant role in Theodor Herzl’s dedication to the “Jewish question.” He later mused on the origins of his interest in the Jews and their future in Europe, writing in his diary, “certainly from the time that I read Dühring’s book.”10具有讽刺意味的是，正是杜林——这位既是一位备受瞩目的欧洲知识分子，又是一个极其恶劣的反犹太主义者——在西奥多·赫茨尔致力于探讨“犹太问题”这一过程中发挥了重要作用。后来，杜林在日记中反思了自己对犹太人及其在欧洲未来的关注起源，他写道：“这种兴趣肯定始于我阅读杜林的著作那段时期。”In truth, though, the seeds had been planted much earlier. He would later recall that as a young boy, when one of his teachers had sought to explain what the word heathen meant, the teacher had said, “Idolaters, Mohammedans and Jews.”11 At the University of Vienna, Herzl had applied to join the Lesehalle, a student association devoted to intellectual conversation and debate. But in March 1881, the Lesehalle was dissolved when a “discussion” devolved into a viciously anti-Semitic event. Undeterred, Herzl joined one of Vienna’s German nationalist student fraternities, Albia, instead. Yet here, too, the university—the seat of Europe’s intellectual elite—proved fundamentally hostile to Jews. Two years after he joined, several of his fraternity brothers attended a Richard Wagner memorial, which, again, turned into an anti-Semitic rally.12 Herzl resigned from the fraternity in protest, but the members rejected his resignation, and then threw him out on their own terms.事实上，这些思想的种子其实早在更早的时候就已经被种下了。后来他回忆道，自己还是个小孩子的时候，有一位老师试图向他解释“异教徒”这个词的含义，那位老师说：“就是那些崇拜偶像的人、穆斯林以及犹太人。”在维也纳大学，赫茨尔曾申请加入一个致力于开展知识性讨论与辩论的学生社团。然而在1881年3月，这个社团因为一次讨论演变成了一场激烈的反犹太主义活动而被迫解散。尽管如此，赫茨尔还是加入了维也纳的一个德国民族主义学生社团——阿尔比亚。然而在这里，这座欧洲知识精英的聚集地，对犹太人依然怀有根深蒂固的敌意。在他加入该社团两年后，他的几位社团成员参加了一场理查德·瓦格纳的纪念活动，而这次活动又一次演变成了反犹太主义的集会。赫茨尔出于抗议而退出了该社团，但社团成员们拒绝接受他的退会申请，最终还是以他们自己的方式将他赶出了社团。
• Whether or not Istóczy’s hate-filled calls for Jews to go to Palestine really influenced Herzl very much, we do not know. What is certain is that as his career progressed, Herzl encountered anti-Semitism at every turn. When he departed Vienna, he moved to Paris, working as a writer for the Neue Freie Presse, a leading European newspaper based in Vienna. Herzl was becoming a writer of note. While in Paris, he covered a scandal involving the financing of the Panama Canal, a project in which several Jewish financiers were accused of bribery and corruption. More than the scandal itself, though, what struck Herzl was how the Jews who were involved, whose families were all prominent figures in France’s political and military circles, were characterized as archetypal cosmopolitan Jews who had speculated with the hard-earned money of simple, loyal French citizens.14我们并不知道伊斯托奇那些充满仇恨的言论——呼吁犹太人前往巴勒斯坦——是否真的对赫茨尔产生了重大影响。可以确定的是，在他的职业生涯发展过程中，他处处都会遇到反犹太主义的行为。离开维也纳后，赫茨尔搬到了巴黎，为总部位于维也纳的欧洲重要报纸《新自由报》担任撰稿人。他的写作才华逐渐得到了人们的认可。在巴黎期间，他报道了一起与巴拿马运河建设项目有关的丑闻：一些犹太金融家被指控从事贿赂和腐败活动。然而，比起这起丑闻本身，更令赫茨尔震惊的是，那些涉案的犹太人——他们的家族在法国的政治和军事界都颇具影响力——却被描绘成那种典型的“世界主义者”，他们利用法国普通公民辛苦赚来的钱进行投机活动。In Austria, he had seen the rise of an intellectually based anti-Semitism, which even leading minds at Europe’s great universities did not reject. And now, in France, Herzl saw that even democracy and republican government were no solution.在奥地利，他目睹了一种以理性为基础的反犹太主义思潮的兴起，就连欧洲那些顶尖大学的学者们也没有拒绝这种观点。而如今在法国，赫茨尔发现，即便是民主制度与共和政体，也无法解决这一问题。
• It possessed those who read it no less. A short book of approximately one hundred pages, The Jewish State made Herzl a household name across the Jewish world. Published in February 1896, it caused a stir worldwide. It was printed, translated, and read more quickly and more widely than any other Jewish work of the modern era. “In 1896 alone, it appeared in English, Hebrew, Yiddish, Romanian, Bulgarian, Russian and French. Students, in particular, were enthused by his proposal; almost overnight, the appearance of The Jewish State transformed Herzl from a lone voice into the leader of an international movement.”22阅读这本书的人同样会被它所影响。这本仅有约一百页的著作使赫茨尔的名字在整个犹太世界广为流传。该书于1896年2月出版，很快就在全球范围内引起了轰动。它的印刷、翻译和传播速度都远远超过了现代犹太文学作品中任何其他作品。“仅在1896年这一年，它就被翻译成了英语、希伯来语、意第绪语、罗马尼亚语、保加利亚语、俄语和法语等多种语言。尤其是学生们对赫茨尔的这些主张感到非常兴奋；几乎在一夜之间，《犹太国》的问世就使赫茨尔从一个默默无闻的人变成了一个国际运动的领袖。”

 2 Some Spot of a Native Land

• The biblical narrative had another point to make about establishing a national home: even after the Israelites arrived, remaining in their homeland would be no simple task. According to the biblical account, the land was occupied by seven different nations, and others menaced from the outside.5 Wars were frequent, and several models of Israelite political leadership failed. Eventually, weary from the never-ending struggle to stay secure in the land, the Israelites—composed of twelve different tribes—demanded a king.圣经关于建立国家家园的叙述还表达了另一个观点：即使以色列人最终来到了应许之地，要在那里定居下来也绝非易事。根据圣经的记载，那片土地上原本居住着七个不同的民族，此外还有其他外来的威胁。战争频繁发生，以色列人的多种政治领导模式也都相继失败了。最终，由于长期为在这片土地上维持安全而不懈奋斗，由十二个支派组成的以色列人便要求拥立一位国王。
• This debate between the figures of Jeremiah and Hananiah—should the Jews become accustomed to life in exile, or insist on getting back to their land as quickly as they possibly could—would persist in Jewish life for centuries. It raged between Herzl, who desperately sought to create a Jewish state, and his religious opponents, who wanted to leave their fate in the hands of God. It was reflected in the later debates between Israel’s early leadership, who hoped that Jews from around the world would make their way to Israel, and the leadership of American Jewry, who insisted that in the United States—outside the Jews’ ancestral land—American Jews had found their ideal home.耶利米与哈拿尼雅之间的这场争论——犹太人究竟应该逐渐适应流亡生活，还是应该尽一切可能尽快回到自己的土地上——在犹太人的历史中持续了几个世纪。这种争论在赫茨尔与他的宗教反对者之间尤为激烈：赫茨尔迫切希望建立一个犹太国家，而他的反对者则认为应该将自己的命运交托给上帝。后来，以色列早期领导层与美国犹太社区之间的争论也体现了这一分歧——前者希望来自世界各地的犹太人都能来到以色列，而后者则坚持认为，在美国这个远离犹太人祖籍之地的地方，美国犹太人已经找到了自己的理想家园。
• The magic worked. As Europe turned on the Jews at the end of the nineteenth century, as nationalism swept across the continent and as many Jews sensed that Europe could not be their home for much longer, they instinctively knew that they had a home elsewhere. Religious and secular, intellectuals and not, eastern European and western, they had been raised in a tradition with so much reference to the dream of Zion that when Herzl wrote The Jewish State, it spoke of a dream that to the Jews sounded intimately familiar. Herzl’s ideas spread so rapidly largely because they were not entirely new; he was bringing to life a dream that the Jews had harbored for many centuries.这种“魔法”确实发挥了作用。当19世纪末欧洲开始排斥犹太人，当民族主义情绪在整个大陆蔓延，当许多犹太人意识到欧洲已不再能成为他们的家园时，他们本能地意识到自己在其他地方还有属于自己的归宿。无论他们是宗教人士还是世俗人士，无论他们是知识分子还是普通民众，无论他们来自东欧还是西欧，他们成长于一个始终怀揣着锡安梦想的传统之中。因此，当赫茨尔撰写《犹太国》一书时，书中所描绘的梦想对犹太人来说显得格外亲切而熟悉。赫茨尔的理念之所以能够迅速传播，主要是因为这些理念并非完全新颖；他只不过是将犹太人几个世纪以来一直怀有的梦想变成了现实而已。

 3 A Conversation, Not an Ideology: Zionist Divisions at the Turn of the Century

• Once it became clear to the mob that the governor was not going to intervene, matters got even worse. The wanton cruelty was virtually beyond description. What followed was 一旦黑帮们意识到州长不会进行干预，情况就变得更加糟糕了。那种肆无忌惮的残忍行为简直难以用语言形容。接下来发生的事情便是……murder and massacre during the night. . . . 50,000 Jews (a third of the population) now fell prey to barbarism . . . a boy’s tongue was cut out while the two year old was still alive. . . . Meyer Weissman, blinded in one eye from youth, begged for his life with the offer of sixty rubles; taking this money, the leader of the crowd destroying his small grocery store gouged out Weissman’s other eye, saying “You will never again look upon a Christian child.” Nails were driven through heads; bodies hacked in half; bellies split open and filled with feathers. Women and girls were raped, and some had their breasts cut off.4夜间发生了谋杀和屠杀……5万名犹太人（占当地人口的三分之一）成了野蛮行为的受害者……一个两岁的小男孩还在活着的时候，他的舌头就被割掉了……迈尔·韦斯曼从小就有一只眼睛失明，他试图用60卢布来换取自己的性命；然而那些毁掉他小杂货店的暴徒收下了这笔钱后，却挖出了韦斯曼的另一只眼睛，说道：“你再也无法看到任何一个基督徒的孩子了。”人们用钉子刺穿人们的头颅，将尸体砍成两半，还把人的腹部剖开并塞满羽毛。妇女和女孩们遭到强奸，有些人的乳房也被割掉了。 As the horror was unfolding, the St. Petersburgskiye Vedomosti later reported, the upper class “walked calmly along and gazed at these horrible spectacles with the utmost indifference.”5 It was only when the minister of the interior sent a telegram to the governor telling him to put a stop to the massacre that the troops were deployed and, by the morning of April 21, martial law went into effect.正如《圣彼得堡消息报》后来所报道的那样，当这场恐怖事件正在上演时，上层阶级的人们“镇定自若地从现场经过，对这一切可怕的场景表现出极度的冷漠态度”。直到内政部长给省长发去电报，要求他制止这场屠杀，军队才被调遣前来；到了4月21日清晨，戒严令终于正式生效了。The toll was horrific. Thirty-four men (including two babies) and seven women were murdered during the pogrom; another eight Jews later died from their wounds. There was massive property damage. A journalist who arrived in the town soon after the pogrom noted that the local non-Jewish citizens displayed “neither regret nor remorse.”6造成的损失极其惨重。在这次暴行中，有34名男性（其中包括2名婴儿）和7名女性被杀害；另有8名犹太人后来因伤势过重而死亡。财产损失也极为严重。有位记者在暴行发生后不久赶到该镇，他注意到当地的非犹太居民“既没有表现出任何懊悔之情，也没有丝毫愧疚之心”。
• Then, Bialik turns his rage on the Jewish tradition itself. Bialik “describes” how after the attack, these men of priestly descent stepped over the broken bodies of their still-living wives and ran to the rabbi to ask, “Is my wife still permitted to me?”8随后，比亚利克将怒火转向了犹太传统本身。他描述道，在那次袭击之后，那些具有祭司血统的男子们从自己还活着却已受伤的妻子的身体上跨过，跑去问拉比：“我的妻子还能属于我吗？”“That is what worries you?” Bialik virtually screams. The people you love are broken, wounded, raped, and lying on the ground, and all that concerns you is a question of Jewish law, the matter of whether your wives are still sexually permitted to you? What has happened to your humanity? What have you become?“这就是让你担忧的事情吗？”比阿里克几乎是在吼叫。你所爱的人们已经支离破碎、满身伤痕、遭受了侵犯，而你却只关心犹太法律的问题——你的妻子们是否仍然有与你发生性关系的权利？你的人性去哪了？你究竟变成了什么样子？It makes no difference, of course, whether the scene as Bialik describes it ever took place. He was, after all, a poet and not a historian. What matters was his horror, both at what Europe was capable of doing and—because of the passivity that Jewish tradition had fostered in them—at what the Jews could not do.当然，比亚利克所描述的那一幕是否真的发生过，并没有什么重要意义。他毕竟是一位诗人，而非历史学家。真正重要的是他的恐惧之情——既是对欧洲所能做出的那些事情的恐惧，也是对犹太人由于犹太传统所培养出的那种被动态度而无法采取任何行动的恐惧。
• For Bialik therefore, and for many of his contemporaries, the point of Zionism, of the return to the Jewish homeland, was not simply to create a refuge or to fix the “Jewish problem” in Europe. The reason that Jews needed to return to their land was that it was only there that the Jews could fashion a “new Jew.” It was time, he insisted, to re-create the Maccabees of old. It was time for the Jewish nation to be reborn.对比亚利克以及他的许多同时代人来说，犹太复国主义的真正意义，并不仅仅在于为犹太人建立一个避难所，或是解决欧洲的“犹太问题”。犹太人需要回到自己的土地上，是因为只有在那里，他们才能塑造出一个“新的犹太民族”。他坚信，是时候重新创造那些古代马加比人了；是时候让犹太民族获得重生了。
• Born in 1856 in Ukraine (four years before Herzl’s birth), Asher Zvi Ginzberg took on the pen name Ahad Ha’am (“One of the People”), by which he is universally known. Recognized early for his sheer brilliance, Ahad Ha’am was born into a family deeply entrenched in the Hasidic world, where they expected he would remain. Like Bialik and others, however, Ahad Ha’am was drawn to the larger intellectual world that Europe and the haskalah offered. A pattern was emerging. Many of the most prominent Zionist thinkers of those days had been born into Orthodox families but to some degree or another left the world of Jewish tradition. Under their leadership, Zionism would become a fusion of profound Jewish knowledge and, at the same time, hostility to much of the tradition in which they had been raised.*阿舍尔·兹维·金斯伯格于1856年出生在乌克兰（比赫茨尔早出生四年）。他采用了“阿哈德·哈姆”这一笔名，这也是人们普遍熟知他的名字。阿哈德·哈姆自幼就展现出非凡的才华。他出生于一个深植于哈西德主义传统的家庭，家人原本期望他也会继续延续这一传统。然而与比亚利克等人一样，阿哈德·哈姆被欧洲和启蒙运动所提供的更广阔的知识世界所吸引。一种趋势逐渐显现出来：当时许多最杰出的犹太复国主义思想家虽然出身于正统犹太家庭，但在某种程度上都离开了犹太传统的世界。在他们的领导下，犹太复国主义逐渐成为深刻犹太文化智慧与他们对自身成长环境中诸多传统观念的敌意之间的结合体。Unlike some of the others who left the traditional Jewish world, Ahad Ha’am retained a love for the spiritual world that had shaped him. Lore has it that his father warned him that he would no longer have access to his father’s library if he continued to read heretical texts. Ahad Ha’am was so nervous about this that he even once burned a book to hide his forays into this foreign literary world18; he would simply not risk being banished from his father’s library of Jewish classics.与那些离开传统犹太世界的人不同，阿哈德·哈姆依然保持着对曾经塑造他的精神世界的深厚热爱。有传说称，他的父亲曾警告他：如果继续阅读那些异端文献，他就再也无法使用父亲的藏书了。阿哈德·哈姆对此极为恐惧，甚至曾烧毁过一本书，以此掩盖自己涉足那些“异域”文学作品的行为——他绝不能冒被禁止使用父亲收藏的犹太经典文献的风险。In deference to his father, he even agreed to marry a wife from an appropriately religious background, and by the age of fourteen, was betrothed to a woman from a prestigious Hasidic family with whom he was not particularly taken.19 Somewhat surprisingly, the union lasted.为了顺从父亲的意思，他甚至同意娶一位具有恰当宗教背景的妻子。十四岁时，他与一位来自著名哈西德派家族的女性订了婚，不过他对这位妻子并没有特别的好感。令人惊讶的是，这段婚姻最终还是持续了下来。
• Jewish destiny, they believed, would periodically require the use of force. Sadly, history would prove Jabotinsky and the Revisionists prescient.他们认为，犹太民族的命运常常需要借助武力来实现。遗憾的是，历史证明，贾博廷斯基以及那些主张修正主义的人确实具有先见之明。If Nordau and Jabotinsky thought that physical power should be key to the essence of the new Jew, for others, the new Jew needed to focus on an entirely different form of physicality. In the first decade of the twentieth century, the Kishinev pogrom and the failure of the Russian Revolution forged a deeply ideological wave of immigrants, whose primary spokesperson was Aaron David Gordon (almost always referred to as A. D. Gordon).30 A devotee of Ahad Ha’am’s philosophy, Gordon would become the philosopher of Labor Zionism. He agreed that it was time for a new Jew. But for him, the new Jew would emerge not from discarding the past, not from a deep otherworldly spirituality, nor from Jews building their physiques. The new Jew would emerge from working the land.如果诺尔道和雅博廷斯基认为体力应该是新犹太人本质的核心，那么对另一些人来说，新犹太人应该追求一种完全不同的身体形态。20世纪初的基希讷乌大屠杀以及俄国革命的失败，催生了一股具有强烈意识形态色彩的移民潮，而这一运动的主要代言人就是亚伦·大卫·戈登。作为阿哈德·哈姆哲学的追随者，戈登后来成为了劳工锡安主义的代表人物。他认同“新的犹太人时代已经到来”这一观点，但对他而言，新犹太人的诞生并非通过抛弃过去、也不是通过某种超脱世俗的精神追求，更不是通过锻炼体魄来实现的。新犹太人应该通过耕种土地来塑造自己的身份。

 4 From a Dream to Glimmers of Reality

• Early in his career, Zangwill wrote a series of articles in which he described Palestine as “a wilderness . . . a stony desolation . . . a deserted home” and a land that had “gone to ruin.”2 The popular rendition of his view was that Palestine was a “land without a people, waiting for a people without a land.”3在职业生涯的早期，臧威尔撰写了一系列文章，在这些文章中，他将巴勒斯坦描述为“一片荒野……一片布满岩石的荒芜之地……一座被遗弃的家园”，以及一块“已经走向毁灭”的土地。人们普遍认为，他的观点就是：巴勒斯坦是一片“没有居民的土地，正在等待着没有家园的人民”。That, of course, was not entirely accurate. Neither, though, was it entirely wrong. While there were people in Palestine, they were not organized in any way approximating what Europeans would have expected. The Ottomans (Turkish Empire) had controlled Palestine since 1517, yet had done virtually nothing to develop it: 当然，这种说法并不完全准确。但同时，它也并非完全错误。虽然巴勒斯坦确实有人居住，但这些人的组织形式完全不符合欧洲人的预期。自1517年以来，奥斯曼帝国一直控制着巴勒斯坦，但却几乎没有为该地区的发展做出任何努力。 Loosely divided between the provinces of Beirut and Syria, the Palestine of the early 1800s was hardly less than an administrative shambles. Centuries of Turkish indifference and misgovernment had encouraged recurrent warfare between local pashas and had permitted Bedouin robber bands to terrorize the country’s 400,000 inhabitants (by 1840). Trade was minimal.419世纪初的巴勒斯坦地区大致划分在贝鲁特省和叙利亚省之间，实际上就是一个管理混乱的地方。几个世纪以来，土耳其人的漠不关心与糟糕的治理方式导致了当地帕夏们之间的频繁冲突；同时，贝都因强盗团伙也不断对这个地区40万居民进行恐吓（到1840年时）。当地的贸易活动几乎为零。
• By the late 1870s, there were also about twenty-seven thousand Jews already living in Palestine, concentrated primarily in Jerusalem, where they constituted a majority. These Jews were almost exclusively poor, deeply religious, and committed to having as little to do as possible with people outside their community; they lived off the financial support of a halukka (distribution) system that collected money from Jews outside Palestine for scholars, widows and orphans, and other needy Jews. It was a simple way of life, virtually untouched by modernity, one to which the Jewish and Arab inhabitants had long been accustomed.到19世纪70年代末，已有大约两万七千名犹太人居住在巴勒斯坦地区，他们主要聚集在耶路撒冷，并在那里占了人口的大多数。这些犹太人几乎都属于贫困阶层，他们极其虔诚于宗教信仰，同时也尽量减少与社区外人士的往来；他们依靠一种名为“哈卢卡” 的救济制度来维持生活——该制度会从巴勒斯坦以外的犹太人那里筹集资金，用于资助学者、寡妇、孤儿以及其他有需要的犹太人。这种简单的生活方式几乎没有受到现代文明的影响，犹太人和阿拉伯居民早已习惯了这样的生活模式。Ironically, it was European anti-Semitism that would change Palestine. As Jewish life in Europe became increasingly intolerable, a massive Jewish exodus from Europe began. So, too, did renewed Jewish immigration to Palestine.具有讽刺意味的是，正是欧洲的反犹太主义行为改变了巴勒斯坦的命运。随着欧洲境内犹太人的生存环境日益变得无法忍受，大规模的犹太人从欧洲迁往他乡的浪潮应运而生。与此同时，犹太人向巴勒斯坦的移民活动也重新开始了。
• In his undeniably utopian Altneuland, Herzl had described a future in which the Jews brought significant progress to Palestine. As a result, he believed, the Arabs would welcome them with open arms. Zangwill, as well, whether idealist or naive, imagined that the influx of Jews from Europe would be good for everyone. In an article from 1903, entitled “Zion, Whence Cometh My Help?,” he said that the Jews would redeem the land and lead it to modernity. European Jews would find a home, at last, and local residents would benefit from an improved economy.在赫茨尔那无疑带有乌托邦色彩的构想中，他描绘了一个这样的未来：犹太人为巴勒斯坦带来巨大的发展与进步，因此阿拉伯人会热情地欢迎他们。桑威尔同样认为，来自欧洲的犹太人潮对所有人来说都是有益的——无论他是出于理想主义还是天真乐观的态度。在1903年发表的文章《锡安，我的援助从何而来？》中，他写道犹太人将会拯救这片土地，并引领它走向现代化。欧洲的犹太人终于能够找到属于自己的家园，而当地居民也会从经济繁荣中受益。But European Jews were about to encounter a culture that they essentially did not understand: 然而，欧洲犹太人即将面对一种他们根本无法理解的文化。What was more than a little unreal, then, was the claim that the Sultan and his government ruled their domains in the sense in which Europeans understood government and administration. What was real in the Ottoman Empire tended to be local: a tribe, a clan, a sect, or a town was the true political unit to which loyalties adhered. This confused European observers, whose modern notions of citizenship and nationality were inapplicable to the crazy quilt of Ottoman politics.7更为荒谬的是，有人声称苏丹及其政府以欧洲人所理解的那种方式来管理他们的领地。在奥斯曼帝国，真正的政治单位往往是部落、氏族、教派或城镇；人们所表达的忠诚也主要是针对这些单位。这种状况令那些欧洲观察家们感到困惑，因为他们关于公民权和国籍的现代观念根本无法适用于奥斯曼复杂的政治结构。
• THE FIRST WAVES OF Jewish immigration to the New Yishuv were for the most part not hardened ideologues. They were Jews who fled to Palestine in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries for the very same reasons that millions of other Jews had fled to North America. Largely Russian, these immigrants had set out looking to escape the dangers of a darkening Europe, seeking a place where they could lead simple lives in relative security.最早一批移民到新犹太定居点的犹太人，大多并非那些思想顽固、立场坚定的人。他们是在19世纪末20世纪初逃往巴勒斯坦的犹太人，其动机与数百万其他犹太人逃往北美的原因并无二致。这些移民主要来自俄罗斯，他们渴望逃离日益黑暗的欧洲环境，寻找一个能够过上简单而安稳生活的地方。Some, though, were passionate about creating a different Jewish future. They came to Palestine with a vision of a renewed Jewish society, many of them hoping that that new society would embody the socialist ideals then in vogue in Russia. (Karl Marx, the father of socialism, had died in 1883; the Bolshevik Revolution would follow in 1917.) That renewed Jewish life, they felt, could be realized only in their ancestral homeland, Palestine.然而，也有一些人热切地希望创造出不同的犹太未来。他们带着重建犹太社会的愿景来到巴勒斯坦，其中许多人期望这个新的社会能够体现当时在俄罗斯盛行的社会主义理念。（社会主义的奠基人卡尔·马克思于1883年去世，而布尔什维克革命则发生在1917年。）在他们看来，只有在自己的祖籍之地巴勒斯坦，才能实现这种新的犹太生活方式。
• The first wave of Jewish immigration, known as the First Aliyah, began in 1882 and continued, with breaks, until 1903.* This was the period in which Diaspora organizations designed to foster the growth of Jewish life in Palestine (and later, in Israel) also began to develop. Two organizations critical to the First Aliyah got their start in 1882. The first was Hovevei Zion (“Lovers of Zion”), which Pinsker had helped create. The second, known as Bilu,* was composed of a tiny group of university students (called Biluim), who in spite of their small numbers—and relatively minimal accomplishments—became legendary for their passion and fervor and for the settlement they helped establish, Gedera.第一波犹太移民潮，即所谓的“第一次大迁徙”，始于1882年，并断断续续地持续到了1903年。在这一时期，那些旨在促进巴勒斯坦（后来是以色列）境内犹太人社区发展的组织也开始逐渐兴起。对“第一次大迁徙”起着关键作用的两个组织便诞生于1882年。第一个组织是“锡安之爱”协会，该协会的成立得到了平斯克的支持；第二个组织则被称为“比卢”，它由一小群大学生组成。尽管人数不多，取得的成就也相对有限，但这些年轻人却因他们的热情与执着，以及他们帮助建立的吉德拉定居点而闻名于世。The influx of European Zionists alarmed the Jews already living in Palestine, commonly known as the Old Yishuv. The Old Yishuv Jews were pious to the core and deeply loyal to their rabbinic authorities. To them, the new, ideologically ultrasecular Yishuv seemed alien, even blasphemous.欧洲犹太复国主义者的涌入让已经居住在巴勒斯坦的犹太人感到恐慌，这些犹太人通常被称为“老犹太社区”。老犹太社区的成员极为虔诚，对拉比们的权威也充满忠诚。在他们看来，这个意识形态上极端世俗化的新犹太社区显得陌生甚至带有亵渎神圣的意味。
• AT LEAST ONE CENTRAL figure in the Yishuv hoped that he might bridge the gap between the two communities. Born in 1865, Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook moved to Palestine in 1904 (the year Herzl died), already a widely venerated scholar. Orthodox to his core, Rav Kook (Hebrew for Rabbi Kook, and the name by which he was universally known) was not about to sanction the antireligious, avowedly secular lifestyle and philosophy of the New Yishuv. But neither was he willing to write them off. While he certainly disagreed with Bialik and others who savagely attacked traditional Judaism and what it had done to the Jewish people, he was not beyond acknowledging that something had, indeed, gone wrong in Jewish life. He believed that “many young people disrespected authority because they had somehow risen above it, and the absence of an intellectual program to match their undoubted moral passion was the source of their confusion, bitterness and cynicism. Their rebellion was itself a sign of their ‘thirst for thought, and reason, and with it for richer, more drenched feeling, fresh and alive.’”8 Unlike most rabbinic authorities of the era, Rav Kook was unwilling to simplistically see the New Yishuv as apostates. The pioneers, he believed, “were filled with love, justice and power; the task of rabbis was to bring them to self-awareness. Rather than seeking to stifle these young people, spiritual leaders should be empowering them, precisely via the Torah that they earnestly—and even justifiably—despised.”9在以色列移民团体中，至少有一个人希望能够弥合这两个社群之间的分歧。亚伯拉罕·以撒·库克拉比出生于1865年，于1904年搬到了巴勒斯坦——那一年赫茨尔也去世了。当时他已然是一位备受尊敬的学者了。库克拉比本质上属于正统派人士，他绝不会支持新以色列移民团体那种反宗教的、公然追求世俗生活方式和哲学的观点；但同时，他也不愿意完全否定这些新的趋势。虽然他确实不同意比亚利克等人那些严厉批评传统犹太教及其对犹太民族所产生影响的观点，但他也承认犹太社会中确实存在某些问题。他认为，“许多年轻人不尊重权威，因为他们自认为已经超越了权威的束缚；而缺乏与他们强烈的道德热情相匹配的思想体系，正是导致他们困惑、愤懑和愤世嫉俗情绪的根源。他们的反抗本身，恰恰反映了他们‘对思想、理性的渴望，以及对更丰富、更有生命力、更新鲜、更鲜活的情感的追求’。”与当时大多数拉比权威不同，库克拉比并不愿意简单地将那些新移民视为背教者。他认为，这些拓荒者们“充满着爱、正义与力量；拉比们的职责应该是帮助他们树立自我意识。与其试图压制这些年轻人，精神领袖们反而应该通过《托拉》来赋予他们力量——毕竟，这些人正是对《托拉》怀有如此强烈的厌恶之情啊。”
• That revolutionary zeal was reflected in Ben-Yehuda’s inviting numerous women to publish in his various journals. Women, he argued, would be uniquely able to “insert emotion, tenderness, flexibility and subtlety into the dead, forgotten, old, dry and hardened Hebrew language.”12 The Yishuv was far from an egalitarian society, but just as the Second Zionist Congress had granted women the right to vote and to run for office, there were early feminist leanings in the Yishuv, as well.这种革命性的热情体现在本-耶胡达鼓励许多女性在他的各种期刊上发表文章的行为上。他认为，女性能够独特地“为那死气沉沉、被遗忘的、陈旧而枯燥的希伯来语注入情感、温柔、灵活性与细腻之处”。虽然以色列定居点远不是一个平等主义的社会，但正如第二次锡安主义大会赋予了女性投票权和参选权一样，以色列定居点中也存在着早期的女权主义倾向。
• Yavetz was but one of a number of writers shaping the Yishuv. Another, who became a leading writer not only of the Yishuv but of the Western world, was Shmuel Yosef (Shai) Czaczkes, who became a frequent visitor to Rav Kook’s home. Like many members of the New Yishuv, he was infuriated with the Judaism of the Diaspora; like many, though, he also harbored a lifelong love for its texts and was loath to leave that entire heritage behind. To Czaczkes, Rav Kook offered the possibility of that synthesis. Not long after meeting Kook, Czaczkes published his short story “Agunot,” about women locked in broken marriages whose husbands could use Jewish law to hold them captive by refusing to grant them a religious divorce. He published the work under his recently adopted pseudonym, Shai Agnon.18 In 1966, he would win Israel’s first Nobel Prize.亚韦茨只是众多塑造“新犹太人聚居地”文化面貌的作家之一。另一位同样具有重要影响力的作家是什穆埃尔·约瑟夫·察茨克斯——他不仅成为该聚居地最重要的作家之一，更在西方世界享有盛名。察茨克斯经常造访拉比库克的住所。与许多“新犹太人聚居地”的成员一样，他对散居各地的犹太教传统感到愤怒；但与他们不同的是，他始终对犹太教的经典文献怀有深厚的热爱，也不愿抛弃这一宝贵的文化遗产。对于察茨克斯来说，拉比库克提供了一种实现这种文化融合的可能性。在与库克相识后不久，察茨克斯便发表了短篇小说《阿古诺特》。这部小说讲述了一些女性陷入破裂婚姻中的困境——她们的丈夫利用犹太法律拒绝给予她们宗教上的离婚许可，从而将她们束缚在婚姻中。察茨克斯以自己新采用的笔名“沙伊·阿格农”发表了这部作品。而1966年，沙伊·阿格农最终获得了以色列首个诺贝尔奖。
• Sometimes also called the “godfather of the moshavot,”* Rothschild sent European agricultural experts to Palestine to advise the newly arrived immigrants, and he acquired extensive land holdings there. All told, he purchased about two hundred square miles of land, on which some forty villages were established. The communities he supported stretched from Metulla, situated at the very north, to Mazkeret Batya (Ekron) in the south, as well as other now significant towns such as Rishon Lezion, Rosh Pina, and Zichron Yaakov. He supported agricultural communities of all sorts (moshavim and kibbutzim) as well as towns. With his financial assistance, more than thirty such communities were founded between 1880 and 1895 alone. Given that there were roughly 160 villages in Palestine by 1937, Rothschild contributed to about a third of them. (See Map 2.) The Jewish purchase of land, while entirely legal, aroused the concern of both the Ottomans and the local Arabs. Fully aware of the Jews’ growing interest in establishing a foothold in Palestine, the empire began to push back. Even before the Biluim set out for Palestine, local Turkish officials announced that Palestine would be closed to the Jews of Odessa (a pronouncement very pointedly intended for the Biluim, as Odessa was where they were based). In 1856 the Ottomans had passed a law allowing foreigners to buy land in the empire, but by 1881, the Ottomans began banning land purchases by Jews and Christians and, in what was a very clear message, declared that year that Jews were still permitted to immigrate to the Ottoman Empire, with the exception of Palestine. The ban on the sale of lands in Palestine to Jews lasted for the duration of Ottoman rule.罗斯柴尔德有时也被称作“莫沙夫运动的奠基人”。他派遣欧洲农业专家前往巴勒斯坦，为新迁来的移民提供指导，并在那里购置了大量的土地。总计而言，他购买了约200平方英里的土地，上面建立了大约40个村庄。他所支持的这些社区遍布整个地区：从最北端的梅图拉，到南部的马兹克雷特巴蒂亚（埃克龙），以及其他如今颇具重要地位的城镇，如里雄莱锡恩、罗什皮纳和齐赫隆雅各布。他支持各种类型的农业社区——无论是莫沙夫还是基布兹——以及各种形式的城镇发展。在他的经济支持下，仅1880年至1895年间就建立了30多个这样的社区。考虑到1937年时巴勒斯坦地区大约有160个村庄，罗斯柴尔德资助建立了其中约三分之一的村庄。（见地图2。）犹太人购买土地的行为虽然完全合法，但却引起了奥斯曼帝国和当地阿拉伯人的担忧。奥斯曼帝国清楚地意识到犹太人越来越渴望在巴勒斯坦建立据点，因此开始采取抵制措施。甚至在“比卢伊姆”组织启程前往巴勒斯坦之前，当地的土耳其官员就已经宣布，巴勒斯坦将对敖德萨的犹太人关闭——这一声明显然是针对“比卢伊姆”组织发出的，因为他们的总部就在敖德萨。1856年，奥斯曼帝国曾通过一项法律，允许外国人在该帝国境内购买土地。但到了1881年，奥斯曼政府开始禁止犹太人和基督徒购买土地。同年，奥斯曼方面明确表示：除了巴勒斯坦地区外，犹太人仍然被允许移民到奥斯曼帝国。而禁止向犹太人出售巴勒斯坦土地的这一规定，则一直持续到了奥斯曼帝国统治的结束。
• The ban, though, did little to prevent Jewish acquisition of land in Palestine. “The central authorities were ambivalent and inconstant in their attitudes to land acquisition by foreigners, the formulation of the laws and regulations were unclear and open to different interpretations, and corruption and openness to bribery was widespread at all levels in the Ottoman bureaucracy.” The legal path to Jewish acquisition of land in Palestine remained open,19 and the Yishuv made the most of the opportunity. With the help of Old Yishuv Jews who spoke Arabic and were already familiar with Ottoman culture and government, the Zionists deftly navigated the back channels of the convoluted and corrupt Ottoman bureaucracy. Even Herzl, when he wished to meet the sultan, had to secure the meeting through bribery.然而，这一禁令并未能有效阻止犹太人在巴勒斯坦购买土地。“奥斯曼中央政府对于外国人购买土地的态度既矛盾又反复无常；相关法律法规的表述模糊不清，容易引起不同的解读；而在整个奥斯曼官僚体系中，腐败现象普遍存在。”犹太人在巴勒斯坦购买土地的法律途径依然存在，于是犹太复国运动充分利用了这一机会。在那些会说阿拉伯语、熟悉奥斯曼文化和政府的早期犹太复国主义者的帮助下，犹太复国主义者们巧妙地穿梭于那套复杂而腐败的奥斯曼官僚体系之中。就连赫茨尔本人，当想要会见苏丹时，也不得通过行贿才能实现会面。
• WHILE THESE NEW COMMUNITIES in the Yishuv could probably not have survived without Rothschild’s beneficence, Rothschild and the pioneers were often at odds. The young, idealistic immigrants felt that making use of his abundant wealth was compromising the socialist utopia they had hoped to create. Rothschild, in turn, was dismayed by what struck him as an attitude of entitlement among the workers, and had his local administrators keep a watchful eye on them, which only reinforced youthful immigrants’ sense that the capitalist hierarchy that they had sought to escape had followed them to their new home.虽然耶希夫地区的这些新社区如果没有罗斯柴尔德的资助或许无法生存下来，但罗斯柴尔德与那些拓荒者之间却常常存在矛盾。那些年轻而理想主义的移民们认为，利用罗斯柴尔德的巨额财富会损害他们所期望建立的社会主义乌托邦。而罗斯柴尔德则对工人们那种理所应当、要求优待的态度感到失望，因此他命令当地的管理人员密切监视这些工人，这反而让年轻移民们更加确信：他们试图逃离的资本主义等级制度已经跟到了他们的新家园里。It was a pattern that would repeat decades later, in relations between Israel and its Diaspora supporters. Especially with regard to matters of Israeli foreign policy and religious pluralism in Israel, Diaspora Jews (and particularly American Jews) would act out of the best of intentions, while Israelis at times resented what they saw as the “rich Diaspora Jews meddling.”这种模式在几十年后依然在以色列与其散居在海外的支持者之间的关系中反复出现。尤其是在涉及以色列的外交政策以及该国的宗教多元主义问题时，散居在海外的犹太人（尤其是美国犹太人）总是出于善意行事；而以色列人则有时会反感他们所认为的“那些富有的海外犹太人对内政的干涉”。
• ALL TOLD, THE FIRST Aliyah brought twenty to thirty thousand Jews to Palestine. Yet some 60 to 90 percent of these early immigrants ended up leaving just a few years after they arrived.总的来说，第一次大迁徙将两万到三万名犹太人带到了巴勒斯坦。然而，这些早期移民中有大约60%到90%的人在抵达后短短几年内就离开了那里。
• Returning to their ancestral homeland was both an exhilarating and frustrating experience for these new, ideologically impassioned immigrants. They had come as idealistic visionaries, but found themselves dependent on the largesse of others. For many immigrants, the radical disparity between the idealized image of the sun-soaked, tranquil land that had animated them and the reality of the Jaffa port—filthy and fetid, clogged with people pushing, shoving, and spitting on the ground—was the first indication that life in their new home was going to be unlike anything they had anticipated. Many left. Those who stayed discovered a chasm between what they had dreamed of building and what they were actually able to accomplish. Some even felt undermined by developments in Europe, and in particular, the Uganda Plan of 1903. If the Zionist ideologues of Europe were giving up on Palestine, why should they toil endlessly for a land in which they were not wanted and about which the world Zionist movement seemed not to care?对于这些满怀理想热情的移民来说，回到他们的祖籍之地既令人兴奋，又令人沮丧。他们原本是以理想主义者的身份来到这里的，但却发现自己不得不依赖他人的施舍。对许多移民而言，那些让他们心驰神往的、阳光明媚且宁静的家园形象，与雅法港的现实之间的巨大反差，便是他们新生活将与预期截然不同这一事实的首个证明。于是，许多人选择了离开。那些留下来的人发现，他们所梦想建立的理想与实际能够实现的目标之间存在巨大的差距。有些人甚至感到，欧洲的发展趋势，尤其是1903年颁布的《乌干达计划》，正在削弱他们的努力。既然欧洲的犹太复国主义思想家们已经放弃了巴勒斯坦，那么他们为什么还要为一个不欢迎他们的地方不懈奋斗呢？更何况，全球犹太复国主义运动似乎也对此毫不在意。Still, these early pioneers were successful far beyond what their self-criticism allowed them to appreciate. They could not know it with certainty then, but they had paved the road for future waves of immigration. They had laid the groundwork of communities that would become Israeli villages and cities. Most important, perhaps, they were the first to model what it would take to translate Herzl’s vision into the beginning of a reality.然而，这些早期的先驱们所取得的成就，远远超出了他们自我批评能力所能认识到的范围。当时他们可能还无法确信这一点，但他们实际上为后续的移民潮铺平了道路，也为后来发展成为以色列各个村庄和城市的社区奠定了基础。或许最重要的是，他们率先示范了如何将赫茨尔的愿景转化为现实。
• SHORTLY AFTER THE KISHINEV POGROM and then the rapid rise and fall of the Uganda Plan, the Second Aliyah (1904–1914) began. During this period, approximately forty thousand Jewish immigrants made their way to the Land of Israel, mostly from eastern Europe. This wave of immigration left an even more profound and lasting mark on the growing Jewish community in Palestine. It established the first kibbutz, Degania, just south of the Kinneret (Hebrew for the Sea of Galilee)*; the first Jewish self-defense organization; and the suburb of Jaffa that would become Tel Aviv. This was the wave of immigration that would become iconic, inspiring generations of Israelis who followed; it would also produce leaders for the Yishuv who would become some of the state’s early pivotal political and military figures.基希讷乌大屠杀发生后不久，紧接着“乌干达计划”又迅速兴起又迅速失败，第二次犹太移民潮便开始了（1904–1914年）。在这段时间里，约有四万名犹太移民来到了以色列这片土地，他们大多来自东欧。这股移民潮对当时正在发展的巴勒斯坦犹太社区产生了更为深远且持久的影响。它建立了第一个基布兹——德加尼亚，该基地位于加利利海的南边；成立了第一个犹太自卫组织；还促成了雅法市区的形成，而这个地区后来发展成了特拉维夫。正是这股移民潮成为了象征性的标志，激励了后来的几代以色列人；同时，它也为以色列建国运动培养出了许多领袖人物，这些人后来成为了该国早期的关键政治和军事领袖。
• Built largely on land the Jewish National Fund had purchased from the Ottomans, the kibbutz movement was rooted in strong socialist ideals, with an emphasis on collective responsibility and A. D. Gordon’s ideal of working the land. This collectivism, informed by the immigrants’ origins in Russia, eventually represented the single greatest contribution of these early aliyot to Israel’s ethos. Equality was emphasized above all. Everything was shared: food, profits, responsibility for protection of the land. Even the nuclear family was secondary to the kibbutz collective; children were raised not by their parents, but communally; they slept not in their parents’ homes, but in children’s houses.基布兹运动主要建立在犹太国家基金从奥斯曼帝国手中购得的土地上。这一运动植根于强烈的社会主义理念，强调集体责任以及A·D·戈登所倡导的“耕种土地”的思想。这种集体主义精神源于这些移民来自俄罗斯的背景，最终成为了早期移民为以色列精神文化做出的最重要贡献。平等被置于至高无上的地位：一切资源都由集体共享——食物、利润，以及保护土地的责任。即使是核心家庭也隶属于基布兹集体；孩子们不是由父母抚养，而是由整个社区共同照料；他们不住在父母的家里，而是住在专门的儿童宿舍里。It was a passionate, ideologically rich life that embodied the social and economic vision that many of the pioneers had brought with them. At night, all members of the kibbutz would gather in the common dining hall to discuss both matters of business and kibbutz ideology. Most of the kibbutzim were also explicitly secular; the members believed that through their manual labor they were transforming themselves into the new Jew of which Bialik, Gordon, and so many others had written decades earlier.这是一种充满激情、富有意识形态色彩的生活方式，它体现了许多拓荒者们所秉持的社会与经济理念。每到夜晚，基布兹的所有成员都会聚集在公共餐厅里，讨论各种事务以及基布兹的意识形态相关问题。大多数基布兹都明确坚持世俗主义立场；其成员们相信，通过体力劳动，他们正在将自己塑造成那些几十年前由比亚利克、戈登等人所描绘的那种“新犹太人”。Yet the ideological intensity of the kibbutz often came with its costs, especially when those ideologies began to splinter. When the early kibbutzim, for example, largely influenced by the Russian Revolution, could not agree on how to respond to Stalin and Communism’s tarnished image, some split into two. When they did, it was not uncommon for couples to split permanently, one spouse living in each of the new communes, families torn asunder and children the unwitting victims of their parents’ principled feuding.然而，基布兹中的那些意识形态往往会带来相应的代价，尤其是当这些意识形态开始出现分歧时。例如，早期那些深受俄国革命影响的基布兹们，无法就如何应对斯大林以及共产主义运动所遭受的负面形象达成一致，于是有些基布兹分裂成了两个独立的团体。在这种情况下，夫妻双方分道扬镳的情况屡见不鲜——其中一方会留在原来的基布兹里，另一方则搬去新的社区居住，家庭因此破碎，而孩子们则成为了父母之间原则性争执的无辜受害者。
• The early kibbutz movement unearthed yet another struggle with which Israeli society would later have to wrestle—the tension between building the collective and the significance of the individual. That was true of many revolutionary movements, no less so for Zionism. In Israeli lore, the iconic case that illustrates this tension is that of Rachel Bluwstein Sela, known by her pen name, Rachel HaMishoreret, or Rachel the Poetess.早期的基布兹运动揭示了以色列社会日后必须面对的又一难题——集体建设与个人价值之间的矛盾。许多革命运动都存在这种矛盾，犹太复国主义也不例外。在以色列的历史传说中，最能体现这一矛盾的例子就是雷切尔·布鲁施泰因·塞拉。她以“雷切尔·哈米肖雷特”这一笔名闻名于世，也被称为“诗人雷切尔”。

 5 The Balfour Declaration: The Empire Endorses the State

• AS ALL THIS WAS UNFOLDING, the Jews of Palestine witnessed the Ottoman massacre of its Armenian population. Beginning in 1915, forced labor of the able-bodied male population followed by the deportation of women and children on death marches into the Syrian desert led to the deaths of approximately one and a half million Armenians. The Yishuv was deeply worried; if the Ottomans could commit genocide against the Armenians, would they hesitate to do the same with Palestine’s Jews?就在这一切发生的同时，巴勒斯坦的犹太人目睹了奥斯曼帝国对当地亚美尼亚人口的屠杀。从1915年开始，奥斯曼帝国强迫健康的男性劳动力从事劳役，随后又将妇女和儿童驱逐到叙利亚沙漠中，最终导致约150万亚美尼亚人丧生。犹太复国运动组织对此感到极为担忧：如果奥斯曼帝国能够对亚美尼亚人实施种族灭绝，那么他们是否也会毫不犹豫地对巴勒斯坦的犹太人做出同样的事呢？ A small group of Jews, working on their own initiative, decided to help rid Palestine of the Ottomans. Formed and then led by the Aaronsohn family, a small spy ring banded together. The primary operatives were Aaron Aaronsohn, an agronomist who had earned a degree of fame for his discovery of an ancient form of wheat in the Galilee; his sisters, Sarah and Rivka; and Avshalom Feinberg, Rivka’s fiancé. The group called themselves Nili.*有一小群犹太人自发地决定帮助巴勒斯坦摆脱奥斯曼帝国的统治。这个由亚伦索恩家族发起并领导的间谍小组织团结在了一起。该组织的主要成员包括农学家亚伦·亚伦索恩——他因在加利利地区发现了一种古老的小麦品种而声名鹊起；他的姐妹莎拉和里夫卡；以及里夫卡的未婚夫阿夫沙洛姆·费因伯格。这个组织给自己起了个名字叫“尼利”。
• When a plague of locusts struck the area, the Turks appointed Aaron Aaronsohn to head the effort to contain the outbreak. This immediately gave Aaronsohn virtually unfettered access to government offices and military installations throughout the area, where he gathered copious amounts of information that he then offered to the British. Initially dubious, the British ultimately decided that Aaronsohn could be useful. He stayed in Cairo, serving as a contact with the British, while his sister Sarah, brother Alexander, and Feinberg (along with some twenty to sixty others—estimates vary) carried out the day-to-day work of the spy ring.当蝗灾袭击该地区时，土耳其人任命亚伦·阿伦松来领导控制这场灾害的各项工作。这使阿伦松能够几乎不受任何限制地进入该地区的政府机关和军事设施，他收集了大量信息，并将这些信息提供了给英国方面。虽然起初英国人对阿伦松的能力持怀疑态度，但最终还是认为他可以发挥重要作用。阿伦松留在开罗，担任与英国方面的联络人，而他的妹妹莎拉、兄弟亚历山大以及费因伯格（还有大约二十到六十名其他人——具体人数存在不同说法）则负责这个间谍组织的日常运作工作。Nili’s principal activity was communicating information regarding Ottoman fortifications and troops, rail lines, and water sources to the British, all to assist them with their plans for a surprise attack. Nili transmitted the stolen information by means of a secret code and signal lights with a small British naval yacht that anchored off the coast of Atlit (just south of Haifa) every two weeks. When the ship stopped coming, they began to use homing pigeons instead.尼利的主要任务是向英国方面提供有关奥斯曼帝国防御工事、军队、铁路线以及水源等情报，以此协助英国制定突然袭击的计划。尼利通过一种秘密代码以及信号灯来传递这些窃取来的信息；用于传递情报的船只是一艘英国小型海军游艇，每两周会停靠在阿特利特海岸（海法以南）一次。后来当这艘船不再前来时，他们便转而使用信鸽来传递信息了。
• The homing pigeons, however, led to the group’s demise. In September 1917, the Turks intercepted one of the pigeons with a coded message attached to it, giving the Ottomans proof that a spy ring was at work. By the fall of 1917, most of Nili had been arrested. Several of them, subjected to relentless torture, gave up information about the others. Some were sentenced to death, and one was publicly hanged in Damascus.然而，这些信鸽却导致了这个组织的覆灭。1917年9月，土耳其人截获了一只携带加密信息的信鸽，这为奥斯曼帝国提供了证据，证明有一个间谍组织正在活动。到1917年秋天，尼利组织中的大部分成员都被逮捕了。其中一些人遭受了残酷的折磨，最终交代了其他人的行踪。有些人被判处死刑，还有一个人在大马士革当众被处以绞刑。When Sarah, then twenty-eight years old, was arrested in Zichron Yaakov, she, too, was viciously tortured. Using a ruse, though, she received permission to return to her home, ostensibly to retrieve some fresh clothes to replace the blood-soaked clothing in which she had been tortured. Determined not to break, she shot herself in the mouth with a pistol she had hidden at home. She lingered several days before dying.28岁的莎拉在齐赫隆雅各布被捕后，也遭到了残酷的折磨。不过，她利用了一个计谋，获得了返回家的许可——表面上是为了取一些干净的衣服来替换那些沾满血迹的衣物。她决心不屈服于折磨，便用藏在家中的手枪射中了自己的口腔。她在临死前还坚持了几天。Nili’s activities likely had no significant impact on the outcome of the war. Yet the story of Nili and of Sarah’s self-sacrifice became Yishuv legend, in no small measure because it illustrated with utter clarity the sort of determination and courage that would be required to get foreign powers—first the Ottomans, and several decades later, the British—out of Palestine.尼利的行为很可能对战争的结果没有任何实质性的影响。然而，尼利以及莎拉自我牺牲的故事却成为了以色列移民群体的传说之一。这主要是因为这个故事清晰地展现了那种决心与勇气——正是这种决心与勇气，使得外国势力——首先是奥斯曼帝国，几十年后则是英国——最终不得不离开巴勒斯坦。
• CONSIDERING ITS HISTORIC IMPORTANCE, the Balfour Declaration of 1917 is an astonishingly ambiguous document. While it speaks of a “national home for the Jewish people,” there is no mention of a Jewish state. There was no timetable as to when (or how) this “national home” would be created. There was no indication of how a “national home” for Jews could be created in Palestine without somehow impinging on “the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine.” Nor was there any indication of what the declaration meant by “Palestine,” for it provided no maps or definitions of the territory. Finally, the document did not acknowledge the fact that at the time of the declaration, Palestine was still under control of the Ottomans. Though the British were confident that they soon would, they did not then even have Palestine to offer.鉴于其历史重要性，1917年的《贝尔福宣言》其实是一份含糊其辞的文件。虽然宣言中提到了“犹太人的民族家园”，但却没有提及建立犹太国家这一概念。同时，该宣言也没有规定这个“民族家园”应何时、以何种方式建立起来。更令人费解的是，宣言中没有说明如何在不侵犯“巴勒斯坦现有非犹太社区的公民权利和宗教自由”的前提下，在巴勒斯坦建立犹太人的“民族家园”。此外，宣言也没有对“巴勒斯坦”这一地区的具体范围进行任何说明，既没有提供相关地图，也没有给出任何定义。最后，该宣言甚至没有承认这样一个事实：在宣言发布的当时，巴勒斯坦仍然处于奥斯曼帝国的控制之下。尽管英国人相信自己很快就能控制巴勒斯坦，但当时他们实际上根本还没有掌握这个地区。
• Given the nature of the land, that was going to be no small challenge. Most of the Zionist movement’s land purchases in the period of 1880–1914 were centered in the coastal plain between Jaffa and Haifa in the west and the Jezreel and Jordan valleys in the east, and the lands they acquired were largely swamp-ridden, undeveloped, and void of inhabitants. Petach Tikvah, originally established by Jews from Jerusalem in 1878, failed in large measure because of malaria. When Russian immigrant-pioneers reestablished it several years later, they, too, had to leave due to outbursts of malaria. More than half of the inhabitants of Hadera died in the first two decades of its existence, also of malaria.17 But undeterred, they pressed on. Pioneers returned to Petach Tikvah only two years later, drained the swamp, worked the soil, and transformed the area into a hub for citrus, known especially for its orange groves. David Ben-Gurion, too, contracted malaria while working in the orange groves in Petach Tikvah.考虑到当地的地理条件，这确实是一个不小的挑战。1880年至1914年间，犹太复国主义运动所进行的土地收购活动主要集中在以贾法和海法之间的沿海平原，以及东部的耶斯列尔河和约旦河谷地区。他们获得的那些土地大多为沼泽地，尚未得到开发，也无人居住。佩塔提克瓦这个定居点最初是由来自耶路撒冷的犹太人于1878年建立的，但该定居点最终失败的主要原因就是疟疾的肆虐。几年后，当一些俄罗斯移民重新建立了这个定居点时，他们同样因为疟疾的爆发而不得不离开那里。哈代拉在建立后的前二十年里，有一半以上的居民死于疟疾。然而他们并未因此气馁，而是继续坚持下去。两年后，先驱者们重返佩塔提克瓦，排干了当地的沼泽地，开垦了土壤，将这片地区变成了柑橘类水果的生产中心，尤其是以橙树林而闻名。大卫·本-古里安也在佩塔提克瓦的橙树林里工作时感染了疟疾。Kibbutzim shared in the effort of draining swamps and ridding the land of the disease. Baron de Rothschild was also instrumental in the process and brought in Egyptian workers whose assistance in draining the swamps and ridding the land of malaria was critical. Slowly and determinedly, the members of the kibbutzim made progress.基布兹们共同参与了排干沼泽、消除这种疾病的努力。罗斯柴尔德男爵也在这一过程中发挥了重要作用，他招募了埃及工人前来帮忙；这些工人在排干沼泽、根除疟疾方面起到了关键作用。基布兹的成员们以坚韧不拔的精神，逐步取得了进展。
• At the same time, the Zionist movement’s leadership displayed vision to match the courage of those on the ground. They bought seemingly uninhabitable swampland, often at a steep price. When questioned about the wisdom of such a move, Menachem Ussishkin, who had been secretary of the First Zionist Congress and later headed the Jewish National Fund, insisted that virtually no price could be too high. “The cost of land in Palestine would increase from year to year; while what was not redeemed today could quite possibly never again be redeemed by us.”18与此同时，犹太复国主义运动的领导人们展现出了与实地行动者们所拥有的勇气相匹配的远见卓识。他们以高昂的价格买下了那些看似无法居住的沼泽地。当有人质疑这种做法是否明智时，曾担任第一届犹太复国主义大会秘书、后来又领导过犹太国家基金的梅纳赫姆·乌西什金坚持认为：没有任何价格是过高的。“巴勒斯坦的土地价格会逐年上涨；而那些今天没有被买下的土地，很可能永远也无法再被我们买到了。”Their progress was extraordinary. By 1938, when the U.S. Department of Agriculture sent Walter Clay Lowdermilk, a soil scientist, to do a survey of the soil of Europe, North Africa, and Palestine, the Yishuv had advanced water technology far beyond what it had been when the Jews arrived. Lowdermilk wrote that he was “astonished” by what the Jews had accomplished and described the agriculture land reclamation in which the Yishuv was engaged as “the most remarkable” such work he had seen during his extensive travels throughout the world.19*他们的发展速度快得惊人。到了1938年，当美国农业部派遣土壤学家沃尔特·克莱·洛德米尔克前往欧洲、北非和巴勒斯坦进行土壤调查时，犹太人定居点的水利技术已经远远超过了他们初来时所处的水平。洛德米尔克对犹太人所取得的成就感到“震惊”，并将犹太人定居点开展的农业土地开垦工作描述为他在全球各地旅行中所见过的“最了不起的”工程。The Yishuv also developed its political institutions during that same period. On April 19, 1920, it held elections for the Asefat Hanivharim (“Assembly of Representatives”), the parliamentary assembly of the Jewish community in British-controlled Palestine. There were 314 seats in the Assembly (the one and only time there were so many representatives). Continuing the voting tradition of the World Zionist Organization from Herzl’s day, parties were allocated seats proportionally, based on the percentage of the vote that they received. A party that received 30 percent of the vote would be awarded 30 percent of the seats, and so forth.在同一时期，以色列复国运动也建立了自己的政治机构。1920年4月19日，他们举行了“代表大会”的选举——这实际上是英属巴勒斯坦地区犹太社区唯一的议会机构。该大会共有314个席位，这也是历史上该机构代表人数最多的一次。延续了赫茨尔时代世界锡安主义组织的选举传统，各政党获得的席位是根据其获得的选票比例来分配的：如果某个政党获得了30%的选票，那么它就会获得30%的席位，以此类推。
• Hashomer planned to replace Arab guards on Jewish farms and even had grandiose notions, which came to naught, of placing watchmen on farms in Ukrainian Cossack villages.21 Now, in the wake of spreading Arab violence, and recognizing that the British were not going to offer sufficient protection to the Jews, the Yishuv’s leaders decided in 1921 to create the Haganah (“The Defense”) to protect Jewish farms and villages. It broadened its mandate to include preventing and rebuffing attacks. For the first several years of its existence, though, the Haganah was only loosely organized and not entirely effective.“哈肖默”组织原本计划用犹太人取代阿拉伯人来看守犹太人的农场，甚至还曾有过在乌克兰哥萨克村庄的农场上派驻守卫人员的宏伟设想，但这些计划最终都未能实现。如今，随着阿拉伯人暴力行为的不断蔓延，且意识到英国方面无法为犹太人提供足够的保护，1921年，犹太复国主义的领导人们决定成立“哈加纳”组织来保护犹太人的农场和村庄。该组织的任务后来被扩展为预防和反击各种攻击行为。然而，在成立的最初几年里，“哈加纳”组织其实只是处于一种松散的组织状态，并没有发挥出应有的效力。Yet even as the Yishuv was learning to defend itself, it suffered a serious diplomatic blow. In 1921, just four years after the Balfour Declaration and one year after Balfour was included in the San Remo Resolutions, Winston Churchill, who had been appointed Secretary of State for the Colonies and who had until then been seen as a friend of the Zionists, decided to redraw the map of the Middle East without consulting his Zionist allies.22 He carved away the portion of Palestine that was east of the Jordan River and created the country of Transjordan (later called Jordan).23然而，就在以色列人开始学习如何自卫的时候，他们却遭受了严重的外交打击。1921年，也就是《贝尔福宣言》颁布四年后、贝尔福被纳入《圣雷莫决议》一年之后，温斯顿·丘吉尔被任命为殖民地事务大臣。此前人们一直认为他是犹太复国主义者的支持者，但他却在没有与犹太复国主义盟友商讨的情况下，决定重新划分中东的版图。他割走了约旦河以东的巴勒斯坦地区，并由此建立了外约旦国（后来更名为约旦）。
• The following morning, on the Jewish Sabbath, Arab mobs, wielding clubs, knives, and axes, began to surround the Jewish community of Hebron. Arab women and children threw stones at the Jews, while men ransacked Jewish homes and destroyed Jewish property. The rioters turned to one of the community’s rabbis, in whose house many frightened Jews were hiding, and offered him a deal. They would spare the local Middle Eastern Jewish community if the rabbi turned over the Ashkenazi Jews. When he refused, the rioters killed him. The rioting that ensued soon spread beyond Hebron. By the end of the rampage, 133 Jews lay dead, 67 of them in Hebron alone.30 Hundreds of Jews who survived the massacre were saved by their Arab neighbors, some of whom hid Jews in their own homes at great personal peril.31 Nonetheless, the Hebron Jewish community, which had been established four centuries earlier by Jewish refugees from Spain and was one of the oldest Jewish communities in the world,32 had been utterly destroyed.次日清晨，在犹太人的安息日里，阿拉伯暴徒们手持棍棒、刀具和斧头，开始围攻希伯伦的犹太社区。阿拉伯妇女和儿童向犹太人投掷石块，而男人们则洗劫犹太人的住宅并毁坏他们的财产。暴徒们找到了该社区的拉比——许多受惊的犹太人正藏在他的家中——并向他提出了一个条件：如果拉比交出那些阿什肯纳兹犹太人，他们就会放过当地的犹太社区。拉比拒绝了这一要求，于是暴徒们杀死了他。随后发生的骚乱很快蔓延到了希伯伦以外的地区。这场暴行结束时，共有133名犹太人丧生，其中67人就死于希伯伦。在那次大屠杀中幸存下来的数百名犹太人得到了阿拉伯邻居的救助——有些阿拉伯人冒着极大的个人风险，将这些犹太人藏在自己的家中。然而，这个位于希伯伦的犹太社区早已被彻底摧毁了。该社区是由四百年前从西班牙逃来的犹太难民建立的，曾是世界上最古老的犹太社区之一。

 6 Nowhere to Go, Even If They Could Leave

• The controversy surrounding the boycott led to one of the more bizarre incidents in the history of the Yishuv, one still shrouded in mystery. Chaim Arlosoroff, then the head of the Jewish Agency’s political department and effectively its foreign minister, had moved with his family from Ukraine to Tel Aviv in 1924 to escape pogroms. On the way to Palestine, he spent time in Germany, where he earned a Ph.D. in economics.围绕这次抵制行动而引发的争议，导致了以色列建国史上一段颇为离奇的事件——这一事件至今仍笼罩在神秘之中。当时担任犹太复国运动机构政治部门负责人、实际上相当于该组织外交部长的海姆·阿尔洛索夫，为了躲避大屠杀，于1924年带着家人从乌克兰搬到了特拉维夫。在前往巴勒斯坦的途中，他在德国停留过，并在那里获得了经济学博士学位。While in Germany, he had an affair with a woman named Magda Ritschel, who would eventually marry Joseph Goebbels, the Nazis’ notorious minister of propaganda. In June 1933, after having risen to the top of the Yishuv’s leadership, Arlosoroff returned to Germany to negotiate with German officials, apparently using contacts through his former mistress to gain access to the people he needed to see.4 His mission in Germany was to advance a plan called the Ha’avarah (“Transfer Agreement”) that would allow German Jews to leave Germany without having to forfeit all their assets. Jews emigrating from Germany would deposit their money in a fund that was made available to Palestinian banks. Those banks would then purchase German goods that were shipped to Palestine. In Palestine, merchants would purchase the goods, and the money from the purchase would then be returned to the Jews who had emigrated from Germany.5 Everyone seemed to benefit. Germany got rid of Jews it did not want, the Yishuv benefited from an influx of immigrants, the Jews who departed Germany could keep some of their assets, and Palestine was able to import German goods that it desperately needed. Some twenty thousand German Jews availed themselves of this plan, and $30 million moved from Germany to the Yishuv.在德国期间，他与一位名叫玛格达·里切尔的女性发生了关系。后来，玛格达嫁给了纳粹臭名昭著的宣传部长约瑟夫·戈培尔。1933年6月，在登上以色列复国运动领导层的顶峰后，阿洛索罗夫回到了德国，与德国官员进行谈判。显然，他是利用与前情人的关系来接触那些需要会面的人。他在德国的任务是推动一项名为“转移协议”的计划——该计划允许德国犹太人离开德国时不必放弃所有财产。从德国移民的犹太人会将他们的钱存入一个基金中，而这些资金随后会被提供给巴勒斯坦的银行。那些银行会购买从德国运往巴勒斯坦的货物。在巴勒斯坦，商人们会买下这些货物，而购买所得的资金则会被转交给那些从德国移民过来的犹太人。似乎每个人都能从中受益：德国摆脱了那些它不想要的犹太人；犹太复国主义组织因新移民的到来而得到发展；离开德国的犹太人能够保留自己的一部分财产；而巴勒斯坦则得以进口它迫切需要的德国商品。大约有两万名德国犹太人参与了这一计划，有3000万美元从德国流入了犹太复国主义组织手中。Yet as Germany tightened the noose around its Jews, the Transfer Agreement became increasingly controversial. Arlosoroff, many said, had made a pact with the devil. Ben-Gurion defended the plan as a means of sustaining the Yishuv while increasing immigration, but others believed that Germany had to be boycotted, and that the Transfer Agreement would undermine the boycott’s impact. Jabotinsky railed against the Transfer Agreement; he thought it a foolhardy attempt to undermine Germany’s economic isolation. The Revisionist newspaper Hazit Ha’am (The People’s Front), ran a column on June 16, 1933, condemning Arlosoroff’s agreement, warning that the Jewish people “will know how to respond to this odious act.” The article personally identified Arlosoroff.6然而，随着德国逐渐加紧对犹太人的压迫，这项《转移协议》也变得越来越具有争议性。许多人认为，阿洛索夫其实是与魔鬼签订了契约。本-古里安则将这一计划视为维持犹太人聚居地并促进移民潮的途径，但另一些人则主张应该抵制德国，而《转移协议》只会削弱这种抵制行动的效果。雅博廷斯基强烈反对这项协议，他认为这是试图破坏德国经济孤立状态的愚蠢行为。1933年6月16日，修正主义报纸《人民阵线》刊登了一篇文章，谴责阿洛索夫所签订的协议，并警告犹太民族“一定会知道如何回应这一可憎的行为”。这篇文章还直接指名了阿洛索夫的名字。Later that same night, Chaim Arlosoroff and his wife, Sima, went for a stroll on the Tel Aviv beach. Out of the dark, two men approached, one shining a flashlight in Arlosoroff’s face while the other pulled a gun and fired. Arlosoroff was rushed to the hospital, but died a few hours later on the operating table.就在那个夜晚的晚些时候，柴姆·阿洛索夫和他的妻子西玛一起去了特拉维夫的海滩上散步。突然，有两名男子从黑暗中走了过来：其中一人用手电筒照向阿洛索夫的脸，另一人则拔出枪来开了枪。阿洛索夫被立即送往医院，但几小时后还是在手术台上去世了。Jabotinsky’s Revisionist Party was immediately blamed for the murder. Two days later, Avraham Stavsky, a member of the Revisionist movement’s organization Betar, was arrested, after Sima identified him as the man with the flashlight. Two other Revisionists were arrested, one as an accomplice and the other as the gunman. The Left blamed Jabotinsky both for having “primed” the gun as well as for masterminding the plan. Jabotinsky, in turn, invested tremendous effort and resources in defense of the three. Stavsky, who had initially been convicted and sentenced to death, was freed in July 1934 after his conviction was overturned by the British Court of Appeals in Palestine.贾博廷斯基的修正主义政党立即被指控为这起谋杀案的幕后黑手。两天后，修正主义运动组织“贝塔尔”的成员亚伯拉罕·斯塔夫斯基被捕了——西玛指认他就是那个拿着手电筒的人。另外还有两名修正主义者也被捕，其中一人被认定为同谋，另一人则被认定为行凶者。左派势力指责贾博廷斯基不仅为这起谋杀案提供了工具，还策划了整个阴谋。而贾博廷斯基则投入了大量人力和资源为这三人辩护。最初被判处死刑的斯塔夫斯基，最终在1934年7月因巴勒斯坦英国上诉法院推翻了原判而获释。No one else was ever convicted of the crime, and Arlosoroff’s assassination remains a mystery. His murder, though, would not be the last time Jews killed Jews over political disagreements in the Jewish state.此后再没有人因这起罪行被定罪，阿洛索罗夫的遇刺事件至今仍是个未解之谜。然而，这并非犹太人在这个犹太国家里因政治分歧而互相杀害的最后一例。
• AS SOME MEMBERS OF the Yishuv had anticipated, the worsening conditions in Europe were actually a boon for immigration. Arab violence had subsided, and the Yishuv’s infrastructure was developing. Slowly, life in Palestine was becoming less harsh. Because the United States had tightened its immigration restrictions (so, too, had the USSR, though Jews were hardly clamoring to go there), by the 1930s Palestine was becoming a central destination for Jewish immigration. The Jewish Agency, short of money and under pressure from the Mandatory government, limited the number of immigrants it allowed into Palestine. “Certificates” were required for immigration; competition for them sometimes became ugly, and there were accusations that the agency was admitting wealthier classes and those more likely to support Ben-Gurion’s political views. Immigration was a fraught subject that could explode at a moment’s notice; it would remain so throughout Israel’s history.正如一些以色列移民组织成员所预料的那样，欧洲局势的恶化实际上反而促进了犹太人的移民活动。阿拉伯人的暴力行为有所减少，以色列移民组织的基础设施也在不断发展中。渐渐地，巴勒斯坦的生活条件变得不那么严酷了。由于美国加强了移民限制措施（苏联也同样如此，不过几乎没有犹太人愿意前往苏联），到了20世纪30年代，巴勒斯坦成为了犹太人移民的主要目的地。然而，由于资金短缺且受到英国托管政府的压力，犹太事务局不得不限制允许进入巴勒斯坦的移民人数。移民需要持有专门的“许可证”，争夺这些许可证的过程中有时会出现激烈的竞争，也有人指责该机构更倾向于接纳那些较富裕的人以及那些更支持本-古里安政治观点的人。移民问题始终是一个充满矛盾和风险的话题，在以色列的历史上，这一问题也一直存在至今。
• While the Fourth Aliyah (1924–1929) had been composed primarily of middle-class, city-dwelling Polish immigrants, those arriving now in the Fifth Aliyah (1932–1936) were perceived to be well-educated, wealthy Germans desperate to escape an increasingly frightening anti-Semitic environment in Europe. In fact, though, most of the immigrants of the Fifth Aliyah were from central and eastern Europe, like the members of the aliyot before them. The number of immigrants was growing, as well. In 1934, as it became clearer that Hitler’s vicious anti-Jewish policies would only intensify, the Yishuv witnessed the highest number of immigrants ever in a single year until that point; some forty-two thousand Jews made their way to the Land of Israel. The Yishuv was slowly moving toward the critical mass of Jews it would need for statehood.虽然第四次移民潮（1924–1929年）的移民主要来自中产阶级、居住在城市的波兰人，但第五次移民潮（1932–1936年）到来的移民则被视为受过良好教育、经济条件优越的德国人，他们迫切希望逃离欧洲日益严重的反犹太主义环境。事实上，第五次移民潮中的大多数人同样来自中欧和东欧，与前几次移民潮的情况并无不同。同时，移民的数量也在不断增加。1934年，随着希特勒恶劣的反犹太政策的持续加剧，以色列定居点迎来了有史以来单一年份中最大的移民数量——约有四万二千名犹太人来到了以色列这片土地。以色列定居点正在逐渐积累建立国家所需的核心犹太人口规模。
• A Jewish folk culture began to emerge. In the late 1920s, for example, Tel Aviv hosted the Queen Esther Beauty Pageant, centered on the holiday of Purim.7 Designed to build bridges, it purposely included contestants from both Ashkenazi and Mizrachi backgrounds. Much more than a mere beauty pageant, the competition was intended to help officials select an unofficial representative of the Yishuv. The pageant was shut down in 1929 due to pressure from the Yishuv’s religious elements, but the European influences now shaping and changing the Yishuv were clear. Palestine had undergone a radical change; it was already entirely unlike the undeveloped land to which the First and Second Aliyot had immigrated.一种犹太民间文化开始逐渐形成。例如，在20世纪20年代末，特拉维夫举办了以普珥节为主题的“以斯帖王后选美比赛”。这项活动的目的是为了增进不同群体之间的联系，因此参赛者既有阿什肯纳兹犹太人，也有米兹拉希犹太人。这不仅仅是一场普通的选美比赛，其真正目的在于帮助当地官员选出能够代表犹太人社区的代表人物。由于犹太社区中宗教派系的反对，该选美比赛于1929年被迫终止。不过，当时那些正在影响和改变犹太人社区的欧洲文化因素已经初见端倪。巴勒斯坦已经发生了翻天覆地的变化，它早已不再是一战和二战期间那些移民们到来时还处于未开发状态的荒凉之地了。In 1932, the Yishuv inaugurated the Maccabiah games, a nine-day sporting event with competitions for Jewish men and women from all over the world in categories such as gymnastics, basketball, track and field, swimming, and tennis. There were ideological motives for the games, as well. Nordau’s “muscular Jews” were on display, while Ahad Ha’am’s vision of Palestine as a center for Jewish culture also got a boost. The Yishuv also hoped that bringing many Jews to Palestine for the competition would increase immigration.1932年，以色列移民组织举办了马卡比运动会。这项为期九天的体育赛事吸引了来自世界各地的犹太男女参加，比赛项目包括体操、篮球、田径、游泳和网球等。这场运动会背后也存在着意识形态上的考量：诺尔道所倡导的“强健的犹太人”形象在此得到了展现；而阿哈德·哈姆将巴勒斯坦视为犹太文化中心的愿景也借此得到了推广。以色列移民组织还希望，通过这次运动会吸引更多犹太人来到巴勒斯坦，从而促进移民潮的到来。
• Intellectual and economic life in the Yishuv also underwent a transformation. The influx of German immigrants led to a dramatic rise in the number of students at Hebrew University. Banking and finance also developed. Because German Jews and some middle-class Polish Jews had come to Palestine with substantial financial assets, Palestine soon had department stores and upscale cafés. Money from the Transfer Agreement (over which Arlosoroff had apparently been murdered) began to flow into the Yishuv. Jews purchased increasing amounts of land from local Arabs, many of whom were more than willing to exchange their property for cash.以色列定居点的知识与经济生活也发生了变化。德国移民的涌入使得希伯来大学的学生人数急剧增加。银行业和金融产业也随之发展起来。由于德国犹太人以及一些中产阶级的波兰犹太人带着可观的财力来到巴勒斯坦，因此该地区很快出现了百货商店和高档咖啡馆。根据《转移协议》获得的资金也开始流入这些定居点。犹太人从当地阿拉伯人手中购买了越来越多的土地，而许多阿拉伯人也非常乐意用财产换取现金。YET WHAT LOOKED TO the Yishuv like great progress felt to the Arabs a profound dislocation. Many of the locals sensed that their way of life was being displaced by the rapidly increasing tide of Jewish immigration. Once again, Arab frustration exploded in violence.然而，对以色列人来说看似巨大的进步，对阿拉伯人而言却意味着一种根本性的生活方式的改变。许多当地人感到，随着犹太移民潮的不断加剧，他们的传统生活方式正在被逐渐取代。于是，阿拉伯人的沮丧情绪又一次以暴力的形式爆发了出来。
• The Arab revolt of 1936–1939 had begun.1936年至1939年的阿拉伯起义就此开始了。Once again, the Arab community had decided to resist Jewish immigration and the Yishuv’s development with violence. During the revolt, violence would flare regularly. Arabs burned farmland and orchards that Jews had cleared and planted. They destroyed Jewish stores and attacked houses. The Arab community staged strikes in the hopes of harming the Yishuv’s economy, but the strikes had precisely the opposite effect—the Arabs unwittingly boosted Jewish business. Jewish shops and factories filled the vacuum, and the Yishuv’s Jewish economy expanded.阿拉伯社区又一次决定通过暴力手段来抵制犹太人的移民活动以及犹太人聚居区的发展。在那些反抗活动中，暴力事件频繁发生：阿拉伯人烧毁了犹太人开垦和种植的农田与果园，破坏了犹太人的商店，并袭击了他们的住宅。阿拉伯社区试图通过罢工来削弱犹太人聚居区的经济，但结果却恰恰相反——阿拉伯人的这些行为无意中反而促进了犹太经济的发展。犹太人的商店和工厂填补了空缺，使得犹太人聚居区的经济得到了进一步发展。Whatever economic progress it might have made, the Yishuv was deeply worried by the phenomenon of continued Arab violence. Jews who had believed that they could live in peace with Arabs were now increasingly dubious. To make it clear that the Jewish population would not give up on its dream of statehood, even in the face of violence, the Yishuv established more villages.尽管以色列人社区可能取得了一些经济上的进展，但他们仍然对阿拉伯人持续的暴力行为感到担忧。那些原本相信能够与阿拉伯人和平共处的犹太人，现在也越来越对此产生怀疑了。为了表明即使面对暴力，犹太人也绝不会放弃建立自己国家的梦想，以色列人社区便建立了更多的村庄。
• On November 9 and 10, 1938, the Nazi propaganda, rhetoric, and discriminatory laws bore their inevitable fruit. After a mentally imbalanced Jew killed a German official in Paris, Germany and Austria erupted in hate-fueled violence against Jews. Jewish homes, synagogues, and businesses throughout Nazi Germany and Austria were destroyed. Two hundred sixty-seven synagogues were burned and seventy-five hundred Jewish-owned commercial stores were ruined. Firefighters were instructed to intervene only if the fire threatened non-Jewish-owned property. Nazi SS troops and Hitler Youth stormed into Jewish homes, attacking civilians. Many women were raped; others committed suicide rather than face the same fate. Twenty-six thousand Jews were sent to concentration camps, many dying almost immediately as a result of ruthless treatment. The attack, a return to the pogrom from decades earlier, is remembered as Kristallnacht, the “Night of Broken Glass.” In many ways, it marked the beginning of the Holocaust.1938年11月9日和10日，纳粹的宣传手段、煽动性言论以及各种歧视性法律终于结出了恶果。在巴黎，一名精神不稳定的犹太人杀害了一名德国官员，随后德国和奥地利便爆发了针对犹太人的暴力事件。纳粹统治下的德国和奥地利各地，犹太人的住宅、犹太教堂和商业场所都遭到了破坏：共有267座犹太教堂被烧毁，7500家犹太人拥有的商店也被毁。消防员们只被命令在火灾威胁到非犹太人财产时才进行干预。纳粹党卫军和希特勒青年团冲进犹太人的家中，对平民实施攻击。许多妇女遭到强奸；还有一些人为了不遭受同样的命运而选择了自杀。共有26,000名犹太人被送往集中营，其中许多人因恶劣的待遇而几乎立刻丧命。这次暴行实质上是对几十年前大屠杀行为的重演，人们将其称为“水晶之夜”。从许多方面来看，这场事件标志着大屠杀的真正开始。A month later, in December, when leaders of the Yishuv met to discuss what had happened in November, they used the term shoah for the first time in that context.18 It was a biblical term, taken from the Book of Zephaniah, in which the prophet predicts “a day of calamity and desolation, a day of darkness and gloominess, a day of dense clouds.”19 The fact that they had to resort to a little-used biblical term, rather than use a more common word, meant that the Yishuv’s leaders, as had been the case with Jabotinsky and Herzl before them, foresaw a calamity with no historical precedent. Jewish history, they intuited, was about to change forever.一个月后，到了12月，当以色列复国运动领导人们聚在一起讨论11月份发生的那些事情时，他们首次在那种语境下使用了“shoah”这个词。这个词源自《圣经·西番雅书》——先知在书中预言了“一场灾难与荒凉的日子，一片黑暗与阴郁的时刻，以及密云笼罩的景象”。他们之所以选择使用这个鲜为人知的《圣经》术语，而非更常见的词汇，说明以色列复国运动的领导人们，就像之前的贾博廷斯基和赫茨尔一样，预见到了一场前所未有的灾难。他们直觉到，犹太人的历史即将发生永远性的变革。
• NOTHING BETTER CAPTURES the existential condition of the Jews across the globe during this period than the stories of three different refugee ships. One was the St. Louis. In May 1939, the St. Louis sailed from Hamburg to Cuba with 937 passengers. After Kristallnacht, the mostly German Jewish passengers understood that they needed to flee, so they had bought legal Cuban visas. When the vessel arrived at its destination, however, Cuban president Federico Laredo Brú refused to allow them to enter the country. The non-Jewish German captain of the ship, Gustav Schroder, committed himself to finding a home for each one of his passengers. Weeks of negotiations ensued, but when both America and Canada refused the immigrants a safe haven, Schroder had no choice but to return to Europe, where he negotiated with various European countries that agreed to take some of the passengers; 181 could go to Holland, 224 to France, 228 to Great Britain, and 214 to Belgium. For others, though, Schroder found no home. More than a month after they had set sail from Europe, the passengers disembarked back on European soil in mid-June. As the war progressed, many of them—though they had been just ninety miles from the shores of the United States—found themselves once again under Nazi rule. By the end of the war, 254 of the passengers, just over a quarter of them, had been killed in the Holocaust.23没有什么比关于三艘难民船只的故事更能准确反映这一时期全球犹太人的生存状况了。其中一艘就是“圣路易斯号”轮船。1939年5月，这艘船载着937名乘客从汉堡驶向古巴。在“水晶之夜”事件之后，这些主要是德国犹太人的乘客意识到必须逃离德国，因此他们已经购买了合法的古巴签证。然而当船只抵达目的地时，古巴总统费德里科·拉雷多·布鲁却拒绝让他们入境。这艘船的德国船长古斯塔夫·施罗德决心为每一位乘客找到容身之处。随后进行了数周的谈判，但既然美国和加拿大都拒绝为这些移民提供庇护，施罗德便不得不返回欧洲。他在那里与多个欧洲国家进行了协商，最终这些国家同意接收部分乘客：181人前往荷兰，224人前往法国，228人前往英国，214人前往比利时。然而，对于其余的人来说，却找不到任何可以容身之处。在他们从欧洲启航一个多月后，这些乘客终于在6月中旬重新回到了欧洲大陆。随着战争的持续，尽管他们当时距离美国海岸仅有90英里之遥，许多人最终还是再次陷入了纳粹的统治之下。到战争结束时，在那些乘客中，有254人死于大屠杀，这一比例超过了四分之一。
• The third ship, the Struma, set sail from Romania on December 16, 1941, carrying 769 Jewish refugees to Palestine for what should have been a voyage of just a few days. Due to engine trouble, it anchored in the harbor of Istanbul. The Turkish government denied the passengers even temporary sanctuary, so the refugees lived on the boat for two months. The ship was equipped with only four sinks, one freshwater faucet, and eight toilet stalls that had no toilet paper. It had no life preservers.24 The Jewish Agency intervened and pleaded with the British to let the Jewish passengers enter Palestine, even temporarily, just to relocate them later to Mauritius. The British refused, and on February 24, 1942, the Turks ordered the Struma to leave the harbor. They towed the boat into the Black Sea, abandoning it there with no functioning engine. A Soviet submarine, operating under then secret orders to sink all neutral and enemy shipping in the Black Sea (to prevent raw materials from making their way to Nazi Germany), torpedoed the boat.25 The Struma sank almost immediately, drowning almost all the men, women, and children on board. There was but one survivor.第三艘船“斯特鲁马号”于1941年12月16日从罗马尼亚启航，船上载有769名犹太难民，本应只需几天就能抵达巴勒斯坦。但由于发动机出现故障，该船不得不停泊在伊斯坦布尔港。土耳其政府拒绝为这些难民提供任何临时庇护，因此他们只能在船上生活了两个月。这艘船上仅有四个洗手盆、一个淡水龙头，以及八间没有卫生纸的厕所；船上更没有任何救生设备。犹太救济机构出面干预，恳请英国方面允许这些犹太难民进入巴勒斯坦，哪怕只是暂时停留，之后再将他们转移到毛里求斯。英国方面拒绝了这一要求。1942年2月24日，土耳其方面命令“斯特鲁马号”离开港口。他们将这艘船拖到了黑海，并将其遗弃在那里——那艘船的引擎已经无法正常使用了。随后，一艘苏联潜艇根据当时的秘密指令，对所有在黑海上的中立国和敌对国家的船只进行了攻击；为了阻止原材料落入纳粹德国手中，这艘潜艇用鱼雷击沉了“斯特鲁马号”。该船几乎立刻就沉没了，船上的所有男女老少都遇难了，只有一个人幸存下来。The St. Louis, the Patria, and the Struma brought home a single point with terrible clarity. For Jews who had no place to go, a Jewish state—Herzl’s dream and Balfour’s promise—was more critically necessary than it had ever been before. The creation of a Jewish state was now literally a matter of life and death.“圣路易斯号”、“帕特里亚号”和“斯特鲁马号”这三艘船最终只带回了一分成绩。对于那些无处可去的犹太人来说，一个犹太国家——赫茨尔的梦想、巴尔福的承诺——比以往任何时候都更加不可或缺。建立一个犹太国家，如今确实已经成了一个生死攸关的问题。
• This military cooperation notwithstanding, many British policies struck Jews as arbitrary and dismissive. One in particular was the rule forbidding Jews to sound the shofar (ram’s horn) or to bring Torah scrolls to the Western Wall, which had been sacred to the Jews for two millennia.*尽管存在这种军事合作，但许多英国政策在犹太人眼中显得随意且充满轻蔑意味。其中最令人反感的一项规定就是：禁止犹太人吹响羊角号，也不允许他们将《托拉》卷轴带到西墙旁——而这座西墙对犹太民族而言可是有着两千多年神圣历史的地方。A few Jews resisted these policies as a matter of principle and pride. For example, on the holy day of Yom Kippur in 1930, Moshe Segal (one of the founders of the Irgun, the militant group inspired by Jabotinsky) defied British orders and sounded the shofar at the Kotel, as the fast ended at sundown as mandated by Jewish tradition. Though he was arrested and sent to jail, resistance continued; every Yom Kippur until 1947, young Jewish men somehow managed to smuggle a shofar into the area near the Western Wall and blow it—despite the warnings and patrols of British forces. Though some managed to escape, most of the shofar blowers were imprisoned. It was only after two decades passed—when Israel would capture the Old City of Jerusalem from Jordan in June 1967—that Jews would again sound the shofar at their holiest site without fear of harassment or imprisonment.有一些犹太人出于原则和尊严，拒绝遵守这些政策。例如，在1930年的赎罪日这一天，莫西·塞格尔——这个受雅博廷斯基思想影响的激进组织“伊尔贡”的创始人之一——无视英国政府的命令，在圣殿山吹响了号角。按照犹太传统，赎罪日的禁食是在日落时结束的。尽管莫西·塞格尔被捕并关进了监狱，但这种抵抗活动依然持续着。从1930年到1947年，每一个赎罪日，年轻的犹太人都会设法将号角偷运到西墙附近，并不顾英国军队的警告和巡逻，依然吹响号角。虽然有些人成功逃脱了，但大多数吹号角的人还是被关进了监狱。直到二十年后，也就是1967年6月以色列从约旦手中夺回耶路撒冷老城之后，犹太人才能够在他们最神圣的圣地上毫无惧怕地吹响号角了。AFTER THE GERMAN INVASION of the Soviet Union in June 1941, the Nazis began their systematic liquidation of Europe’s Jews. Einsatzgruppen, or special operating units, would round up Jewish communities and shoot them all—men, women, and children—destroying entire communities in only a few hours. Hundreds of thousands of Jews were murdered in just a few months.1941年6月德国入侵苏联后，纳粹开始了对欧洲犹太人的系统性屠杀。那些被称为“行动队”的特殊执行单位会围捕整个犹太社区，然后将其中的男女老少全部枪杀，短短几小时内就能摧毁整个社区。在短短几个月内，就有数十万犹太人遭到了杀害。

 7 The Yishuv Resists the British, the Arabs Battle Partition

• THE NAZI GENOCIDE of the Jews, somewhat surprisingly, was not much discussed in Palestine, a fact for which the leaders of the Yishuv would later be criticized. Occasionally, there were wistful conversations like that at which Yechiel Kadishai first heard Menachem Begin speak, but realistically, there was little that the Yishuv could do. One of those conversations hatched the idea of assisting the British in their war against the Nazis by parachuting Jews into Europe to gather intelligence and find survivors.纳粹对犹太人的种族灭绝行为，在巴勒斯坦却几乎没有引起什么讨论——这一事实后来受到了以色列建国运动领导人的批评。偶尔也会有一些充满怀旧的谈话，就像耶希尔·卡迪沙伊第一次听到梅纳赫姆·贝京讲话的那样；但事实上，以色列建国运动所能做的实在很少。正是通过这样的谈话，人们产生了这样一个想法：通过向欧洲空投犹太人来协助英国对抗纳粹，收集情报并寻找幸存者。The most famous of those parachutists was Chanah Senesh. Senesh, who had been born in Hungary, moved to Palestine in 1939, upon graduating high school, and shortly thereafter joined the Haganah. In March 1944, she parachuted into Yugoslavia in the hopes of making her way into her native Hungary; the goal was to help Jews there who were about to be sent to the Auschwitz death camp. The Germans captured her on the Hungarian border, however, then jailed, tortured, and eventually executed her in Budapest in late 1944. Almost immediately, her story—like that of the Nili’s Sarah Aaronsohn—became an iconic mainstay of Israeli lore and Zionist education. Her remains were brought to Israel in 1950; she is buried in Jerusalem, on Mount Herzl, not far from Herzl, Jabotinsky, and several of Israel’s prime ministers.其中最著名的跳伞者是查娜·塞内什。塞内什出生于匈牙利，1939年高中毕业后来到巴勒斯坦，不久后便加入了“哈加纳”组织。1944年3月，她试图通过跳伞进入祖国匈牙利，目的是去帮助那些即将被送往奥斯维辛集中营的犹太人。然而她在匈牙利边境被德国人抓获，随后遭到关押、折磨，并最终于1944年底在布达佩斯被处决。几乎立刻，她的故事就与尼利的莎拉·亚伦松的故事一样，成为了以色列传说和犹太复国主义教育中重要的象征。她的遗骸于1950年被运回以色列，安葬在耶路撒冷的赫茨尔山上——那里也埋葬着赫茨尔、雅博廷斯基以及几位以色列总理的遗体。
• On July 1, 1946, Moshe Sneh, then head of the Haganah, sent Menachem Begin a secret note authorizing the bombing of the King David. The Irgun was to bomb the King David, while the Haganah and Lechi would attack other buildings. The Haganah and Lechi backed out of their roles, and two days before the scheduled attack, Weizmann told Sneh that he would resign from the World Zionist Organization, splitting the Yishuv, unless Sneh sought to stop the Irgun’s plan. Sneh delayed the bombing a few times, but when the Irgun’s leadership realized that the Haganah was getting cold feet, it decided to proceed on its own.1946年7月1日，当时担任哈加纳组织负责人的摩西·斯内赫给梅纳赫姆·贝京发去了一封秘密文件，批准对“大卫王酒店”实施轰炸。伊尔贡组织将负责执行这次轰炸任务，而哈加纳和莱基组织则应攻击其他目标。然而哈加纳和莱基组织最终放弃了各自的行动计划。在预定袭击日期前两天，魏茨曼告诉斯内赫，如果他不阻止伊尔贡组织的行动，自己就将辞去世界犹太复国主义组织的职务，从而导致以色列建国运动的分裂。斯内赫曾多次推迟这次轰炸行动，但当伊尔贡组织的领导层意识到哈加纳组织已经动摇时，便决定独自继续执行他们的计划。
• Not surprisingly, the attack elicited reactions of outrage. American and British newspapers condemned the attack, predicting that it would set back the Zionist cause. The Jewish Agency also denounced the bombing, ignoring the critical fact that the Yishuv leadership had initially approved it. The Haganah, including Ben-Gurion, falsely denied any involvement in the plan. So intense was the backlash that from that point on, the United Resistance Movement was effectively dead. The Irgun and Lechi continued to work on their own, usually in defiance of the Haganah.毫不奇怪，这次袭击引发了人们的愤怒反应。美国和英国的报纸都谴责了这一行为，认为它将会阻碍犹太复国主义事业的发展。犹太机构也公开声讨了这次爆炸事件，但却忽视了一个关键事实：即以色列定居点组织的高层最初是批准了这一计划的。包括本-古里安在内的哈加纳组织却谎称与这一计划毫无关系。由于反对声浪如此强烈，从那以后，联合抵抗运动实际上就已经名存实亡了。而伊尔贡和莱希组织则继续独自开展活动，往往不顾哈加纳的组织安排。
• The Yishuv’s intuition that it needed to move quickly proved prescient. Six months after the July 1946 bombing of the King David, the British announced on January 22, 1947, that they were washing their hands of Palestine and turning the fate of that territory—and of any future Jewish state—over to the United Nations.以色列人意识到必须迅速采取行动的直觉被证明是正确的。1946年7月“大卫王酒店”遭到轰炸六个月后，英国于1947年1月22日宣布将不再插手巴勒斯坦事务，并将该地区的命运以及未来任何犹太国家的建立问题交由联合国来处理。
• For the Jews, however, the projected population balance of the two proposed states was cause for grave concern. The Jewish state proposed by UNSCOP would have 498,000 Jews and 407,000 Arabs.15 The Arab state would be home to 725,000 Arabs and a mere 10,000 Jews.16 Given the differential in Jewish and Arab birthrates and the ease with which additional Arabs could have been convinced to move to the area from surrounding countries, had the Arabs accepted UNSCOP’s recommendations, all of Palestine might have been theirs in a generation. Just as had happened after Peel, though, the Jewish Agency accepted UNSCOP’s recommendations, and the Arab Higher Committee rejected them outright.然而，对于犹太人来说，这两个拟建国家的人口构成比例却令人深感担忧。根据联合国特别委员会的建议，犹太人国家将有498,000名犹太人和407,000名阿拉伯人居住其中；而阿拉伯人国家则会有725,000名阿拉伯人和仅有10,000名犹太人。鉴于犹太人与阿拉伯人的生育率存在差异，而且也容易说服周边国家的阿拉伯人迁移到该地区，如果阿拉伯人接受了联合国的建议，那么整个巴勒斯坦地区可能在一代人的时间内就落入他们手中了。不过，正如皮尔提案之后的情况一样，犹太复国主义机构接受了联合国的建议，而阿拉伯高级委员会则彻底拒绝了这一提议。

 8 Independence: The State Is Born

• Ben-Gurion, incensed, refused to allow the dead Irgun men a burial in Tel Aviv.本-古里安勃然大怒，拒绝让那些阵亡的伊尔贡组织成员在特拉维夫下葬。Begin was vilified by some for having imported the arms. Yet others praised him for his pivotal role in bringing the fighting to an end (just as he had refused to attack the Haganah during the Saison). He would later claim that his greatest contribution to Israel was his having averted all-out civil war. Ben-Gurion also remained defiant in the aftermath, insisting that he had saved the country from a militia’s uprising. The cannon that sank the Altalena, he insisted in a comment that was oft repeated, was so sacred that it deserved to “stand close to the Temple, if it is built.”35有人因贝恩引进武器而指责他；但也有人称赞他在结束这场冲突中所起的关键作用——正如他在“季节行动”期间拒绝攻击哈加纳组织一样。后来贝恩声称，自己对以色列最大的贡献就是避免了全面内战的爆发。本-古里安在事后的态度依然坚决，坚称自己拯救了国家，使其免于民兵组织的叛乱。他还多次表示，那门击沉“阿尔塔莱纳”号轮船的大炮是如此神圣，以至于“如果圣殿真的得以重建的话，这门大炮理应被安置在圣殿附近”。It was only in 1965 that David Ben-Gurion admitted, following a government inquiry into the Altalena affair, “Perhaps I was mistaken.”36直到1965年，在政府对“阿尔塔莱纳事件”展开调查之后，大卫·本-古里安才承认：“也许我确实搞错了。”
• More than anything else, what the Altalena came to represent in Israeli mythos was the understanding that for a state to be legitimate, all its military force had to be subject to the political echelon. In years to come, as Israelis watched Palestinian elected officials unable to rein in their multiple armed factions, they would say, “The Palestinians haven’t yet had their Altalena.”在以色列神话中，“阿尔塔莱纳”象征着这样一个理念：一个国家若要具备合法性，那么其所有军事力量都必须受制于政治体系。在后来的岁月里，当以色列人看到巴勒斯坦的民选官员们无法控制那些武装派别时，他们就会说：“巴勒斯坦人还没有拥有他们的‘阿尔塔莱纳’。”
• Lydda wasn’t, however, representative of Zionist behavior. Before 1948, the Zionist enterprise expanded by buying, not conquering, Arab land, and it was the Arabs who periodically massacred Jews—as, for example, in Hebron and Safed in 1929. In the 1948 war, the first major atrocity was committed by Arabs: the slaughter of 39 Jewish co-workers in the Haifa Oil Refinery on December 30, 1947.然而，利达并不能代表犹太复国主义者的行为方式。在1948年之前，犹太复国主义者的活动主要是通过购买阿拉伯人的土地来扩张领土，而非通过征服；而真正杀害犹太人的人往往是阿拉伯人——例如1929年在希伯伦和萨法德发生的屠杀事件。在1948年的战争中，第一起严重的暴行是由阿拉伯人犯下的：1947年12月30日，海法炼油厂的39名犹太工人遭到了杀害。True, the Jews went on to commit more than their fair share of atrocities; prolonged civil wars tend to brutalize combatants and trigger vengefulness. But this happened because they conquered 400 Arab towns and villages. The Palestinians failed to conquer even a single Jewish settlement—at least on their own. The one exception was Kfar Etzion, which was conquered on May 13, 1948 with the aid of the Jordanian Arab Legion, and there they committed a large-scale massacre.43的确，犹太人后来确实犯下了许多令人发指的暴行；长期的内战往往会使交战双方变得残忍，并激发出报复心理。但这一切之所以会发生，是因为他们征服了400个阿拉伯城镇和村庄。而巴勒斯坦人却连一个犹太人定居点都未能攻占——至少是他们自己没能做到这一点。唯一的例外是克法尔埃齐翁镇，该镇于1948年5月13日在约旦阿拉伯军团的帮助下被占领，而在那里，犹太人实施了大规模的屠杀。 The War of Independence was a brutal war, a war of honor for the Arabs and a war of survival for the Jews. There were brutal acts on both sides; what Morris notes, though, is that on the Israeli side they were the exception. On the Arab side, he says, brutality was the rule.独立战争是一场残酷的战争——对阿拉伯人来说，这是场为荣誉而战的战争；而对犹太人而言，则是一场为生存而战的战争。双方都发生了残暴的行为，但莫里斯指出，在以色列一方，这种残暴行为属于例外情况；而在阿拉伯一方，残暴行为才是常态。

 9 From Dreams of a State to the Reality of Statehood

• Even those arriving from the Middle East—and grouped together under the terms “Mizrachim”—were actually very different from each other. As one historian notes: 即便是那些来自中东、被统称为“米兹拉希姆”的人群，他们彼此之间其实也存在很大差异。正如一位历史学家所指出的那样：From Iraq, the professional and educated elite departed. From Kurdistan, virtually all the immigrants were illiterate. In Egypt, Jews considered themselves to be part of the “European” community. They were both the mainstay of the business elite and the founders of the Communist party. In Yemen, they were artisans and peddlers who embraced Zion with a messianic expectation.22从伊拉克，那些受过专业教育、属于精英阶层的人纷纷离开了那里；而在库尔德斯坦，几乎所有的移民都是文盲。在埃及，犹太人认为自己是“欧洲”社区的一部分——他们既是商界精英的中坚力量，也是gonchangD成立的推动者。在也门，犹太人主要从事手工艺和小贩生意，他们对锡安主义的到来抱有救世主的期待。Different though they were in many respects, these Jews often encountered a widespread condescending worldview on the part of the European immigrants who had been part of the previous major aliyot, who had developed the Yishuv and who were now running the country. The issue was not racism—it had nothing to do with skin color. It was a matter of cultural elitism, a genuine belief that European culture was the more developed of the cultures, and that it would be best for the newborn country if that elite culture would be the one that was taught to all.尽管这些犹太人在许多方面存在差异，但他们常常会遇到欧洲移民们那种居高临下的态度。那些欧洲移民属于此前那批大规模移民潮中的一员，他们参与了犹太人聚居区的建设，如今则掌控着这个国家。问题并不在于种族主义——这与肤色毫无关系。而是一种文化精英主义的态度，即人们真心认为欧洲文化是更发达的文化形式，如果让这种精英文化成为这个新生国家的主导文化，那么对这个国家来说才是最有利的。
• No issue better illustrates the perception of Ben-Gurion’s heavy-handed commitment to mamlachtiyut than the accusation—never proven but passionately believed by many in the Yemenite community—that the government took babies born to Yemenite mothers shortly after their arrival in Israel between 1949 and 1952, when they were living in ma’abarot, and gave them to Ashkenazi families.29 Over time, the government established three commissions to investigate the charges and concluded that there were no cases where this had clearly happened. As late as 2001, a government commission looked into over 800 cases of missing infants and concluded that 750 of the children had died. The other 56 of them remain a mystery.30 Many Israelis, including Yemenite families, remain convinced that their children were stolen and given to families of higher socioeconomic standing for the “children’s benefit.” Whatever the case, the mere accusation is a reflection of how life felt to those who became Israel’s underclass in the country’s trying early years.没有任何事件比这一指控更能体现本-古里安对“国家利益”的极端重视了。虽然这一指控从未得到证实，但也门裔社区中的许多人却深信不疑：在1949年至1952年间，当这些也门裔妇女刚来到以色列、还居住在临时营地时，政府会夺走她们所生的婴儿，并将这些婴儿交给阿什肯纳兹家庭。后来，政府成立了三个调查委员会来核实这一指控，但最终得出的结论是：确实没有发生过这种事情。直到2001年，还有一个政府委员会调查了800多起婴儿失踪的案件，最终认定其中750名儿童已经死亡。剩下的56名儿童的身份仍然成谜。许多以色列人，包括也门裔家庭，都坚信自己的孩子被偷走后，被送给了社会经济地位较高的家庭，所谓的“也是为了孩子好”。无论事实如何，这种指控本身就反映了那些在以色列建国初期就沦为社会底层的人们的生活状况。Ben-Gurion’s focus on mamlachtiyut clearly led to excesses, and Israeli society has been grappling with the implications of many of those policies ever since. Yet Ben-Gurion also faced enormous challenges. He had founded a state and now had to build a country out of new citizens who had long seen governments as entities that one evaded, deceived, and cheated. That was certainly true of the Middle Eastern Jews who came to Israel, and even those from Europe had come to Palestine and then to Israel with no love for the governments they were escaping. Life under the British during the Mandate had imbued the Jews of the Yishuv with much the same sentiment. Fashioning a coherent, stable, and unified society and democracy out of that variegated human raw material was not going to be easy, and Ben-Gurion understood that. There were excesses, but there was also vision and great genius. Given all the trials Israeli society was yet to face, it is quite possible that it was precisely Ben-Gurion’s sometimes heavy-handed determination to create a society with a devotion to state and government at the center that enabled a fledgling Israel to survive.本-古里安对“国家建设”的重视显然导致了某些过激行为的出现，自那以后，以色列社会一直都在努力应对这些政策所带来的种种后果。然而，本-古里安也面临着巨大的挑战。他刚刚建立了一个国家，现在必须用那些长期以来将政府视为需要逃避、欺骗和愚弄的对象的新公民来建设这个国家。对于那些来到以色列的中东犹太人来说，情况确实如此；即便是来自欧洲的犹太人，他们在来到巴勒斯坦、最终又来到以色列时，也对那些他们试图逃离的政府毫无好感。在英国托管时期生活在英国统治下的犹太人，也同样抱有这种情绪。从这样一群多样化的人群中建立起一个和谐、稳定且统一的社会与民主制度，绝非易事——本-古里安深知这一点。虽然存在一些过激行为，但同时也存在着远见卓识与卓越的智慧。考虑到以色列社会未来仍会面临诸多挑战，正是本-古里安那种有时显得强硬的决心——即致力于建立一个以国家与政府为中心的社会——才使得这个初建的国家得以生存下来。
• ANOTHER POPULATION THAT PRESENTED Ben-Gurion with significant challenges was the religious community. In the early years of political Zionism, long before the state was established, Europe’s ultra-Orthodox Jews had refused to participate in the movement to create it. Theologically, some of their leaders argued that Zionism was forcing God’s hand; faithful Jews should wait for God to end the exile, rather than trying to end it (by returning to Palestine) on their own. Others saw in Zionism’s overt secularism an outright abomination. These Jews, who call themselves Haredim,* also created a political party, which was vehemently opposed to anything that smacked of Zionism. They expelled dissidents, often dividing families in the process. Leaving for Palestine, its leaders said, was utterly forbidden and a violation of everything Judaism stood for.给本-古里安带来重大挑战的另一个群体是宗教团体。在政治锡安主义运动初期，也就是在国家尚未建立之前，欧洲的极端正统派犹太人就拒绝参与这一运动。从神学角度来看，他们的一些领袖认为锡安主义是在违背上帝的意志；虔诚的犹太人应当等待上帝结束流放状态，而不是试图通过自己回到巴勒斯坦来终结这种流放状态。还有人则将锡安主义所表现出的世俗主义视为一种极其可憎的东西。这些自称为“哈雷迪姆”的犹太人还成立了一个政党，该政党坚决反对任何与锡安主义有关的事物；他们会驱逐那些持不同意见的人，往往因此导致家庭分裂。他们认为，前往巴勒斯坦是完全被禁止的，这种行为违背了犹太教的一切信仰原则。It was Hitler who changed that. By the end of the Holocaust, many Haredi communities had been destroyed, some literally without a trace. Hundreds of thousands of Haredi Jews had been murdered, gassed, and burned. Though they found the Yishuv’s hypersecularism misguided, even abhorrent, the Haredim could no longer deny that the Zionists had been right about Europe.改变这一状况的正是希特勒。到大屠杀结束时，许多哈雷迪犹太社区已经不复存在了，有些甚至完全消失得无影无踪。数十万哈雷迪犹太人被杀害、被毒气杀害或被烧死。虽然他们认为以色列复国运动所秉持的极端世俗主义是错误的、甚至是令人憎恶的，但哈雷迪犹太人再也无法否认：犹太复国主义者对欧洲局势的判断是正确的。
• So their stance regarding Zionism began to soften, and they moved from a vehement anti-Zionism to an ambivalent non-Zionism. They continued to rail against Zionism’s secularism, comparing Mapai to the Hellenized Jews of the Greek period. And Ben-Gurion, they were convinced, was intent on waging ideological war against them. If they did not push back, the state would educate their children in mainstream Zionism’s nonreligious (actually antireligious) tradition and would pressure them to change their way of life.因此，他们对犹太复国主义的立场开始软化，从激烈的反犹太复国主义转变为一种矛盾复杂的、不支持犹太复国主义的立场。他们仍然继续谴责犹太复国主义的世俗主义倾向，将马派党比作希腊时期的希腊化犹太人；同时，他们也坚信本-古里安有意对他们发动意识形态上的攻击。如果他们不加以抵制，那么这个国家就会用主流犹太复国主义所倡导的非宗教（实际上是一种反宗教）理念来教育他们的孩子，并会迫使他们改变自己的生活方式。Grudgingly, they entered Israeli politics. They signed the Declaration of Independence. Once the state was established, they would have preferred to stay apart from the state’s institutions, but doing so would have precluded them from having a role in shaping Israel’s policies and character. Gradually, they became increasingly involved in Israel’s political process.他们虽然不情愿，但还是加入了以色列的政治生活，并签署了《独立宣言》。既然国家已经建立起来，他们本希望与国家的各种机构保持距离，但这样做的话，他们就无法在塑造以色列的政策和特性方面发挥任何作用了。渐渐地，他们开始越来越多地参与到以色列的政治进程中来。
• It was in the matter of exemptions from military service where the folly of Ben-Gurion’s decision was most apparent. Whereas in Ben-Gurion’s time, 400 exemptions from military service were given each year, by 2010, the number of Haredim excused from military service through the same arrangement would reach 62,500 annually—an increase of 15,000 percent, when Israel’s population had grown only 1,200 percent in the same period.31在本-古里安所做的那些决定中，免除兵役这一条款最明显地暴露了其愚蠢之处。在本-古里安执政时期，每年有400人通过这一规定得以免于服兵役；而到了2010年，通过同样方式免于服兵役的哈雷迪派人士数量已经达到了每年62,500人——这一数字增长了15,000%，而同期以色列的人口仅增长了1,200%。AFTER THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE, the Arab population of Israel numbered 156,000, about 20 percent of the country’s total population. Most lived in the Negev (those were largely the Bedouin) and in the Galilee, in an area known as the “Little Triangle” (which had been transferred to Israel by Jordan as part of the armistice agreement). Poorly organized as they had been under the Ottomans and the British, they had had no effective leadership. To make matters worse, whatever leadership they did have between the early 1920s to the late 1940s had fled abroad, leaving behind those who were, on balance, poorer, less educated, and less capable of playing leadership roles. That flight of Palestine’s Arab leadership would shape the plight of Israel’s Arabs for decades to come.独立战争之后，以色列的阿拉伯人口为156,000人，约占该国总人口的20%。他们大多居住在内盖夫地区（主要是贝都因人），以及加利利地区的“小三角地带”（该地区是根据停战协议由约旦转让给以色列的）。由于在奥斯曼帝国和英国统治期间缺乏有效的组织结构，他们根本没有任何真正的领导力量。更糟糕的是，在20世纪20年代初到40年代末这段时间里，他们所拥有的那些领导人物都逃往了国外，留下的那些人普遍较为贫穷、受教育程度较低，也缺乏承担领导职责的能力。巴勒斯坦阿拉伯领导层的这种外流现象，在之后的几十年里一直影响着以色列境内阿拉伯人的处境。
• Ben-Gurion, an ideologue to the very core, was disgusted. Years after Israel’s creation, Ben-Gurion recalled with some bitterness, “For hundreds of years, a question-prayer hovered in the mouths of the Jewish people: would a country be found for this people? No one imagined the frightening question: would a people be found for the country when it would be created?”35 Jews in dangerous places or in places where they could not stay came to Israel. Those who were comfortable did not come.本-古里安本质上就是一个思想家，他对这种状况感到厌恶。在以色列建国多年后，本-古里安带着一丝苦涩回忆道：“数百年来，犹太人民心中一直萦绕着一个问题：能否为这个民族找到一个属于自己的国家？但没有人想过另一个更可怕的问题：当那个国家真正建立起来时，是否还能为这个民族找到属于他们的家园呢？”那些生活在危险环境中或无法继续留在原有地方上的犹太人，纷纷来到了以色列；而那些生活条件优越、没有面临任何困难的人，则没有选择来到这里。

 10 Israel Enters the International Arena

• Israel’s need to wage what would become an often painful and nearly century-long war* evoked a tradition of profound soul-searching among Israelis about how they could best balance the need to fight for their survival and at the same time maintain the moral standards that they believed were critical to becoming the society they sought to be.以色列不得不发动一场持续了近一个世纪的战争，这场战争充满了痛苦与艰辛。正因如此，以色列人民开始深入反思：如何才能在为生存而战的同时，依然坚守那些他们认为对建设理想中的社会至关重要的道德准则。That reflection had begun as early as the War of Independence. Shortly after the war, the Israeli author S. Yizhar (a pen name; his real name was Yizhar Smilansky) published Khirbet Khizeh, a work of historical fiction that sought to capture the moral complexity of some actions Israeli forces had taken against an Arab village toward the end of the war. Everything moves slowly in Khirbet Khizeh, as if the narrator sees the world through fog, or as in a dream. Slowly, though, he comes to realize the human toll being exacted from the Arabs who were being forced from their homes: “Something struck me like lightning. All at once everything seemed to mean something different, more precisely: exile. This was exile. This was what exile was like. This was what exile looked like.”6这种反思早在独立战争时期就开始了。战争结束后不久，以色列作家S·伊扎尔（这是个笔名，他的真名是伊扎尔·斯米兰斯基）就出版了小说《基尔贝特·基泽》。这部历史小说试图描绘以色列军队在战争接近尾声时对一个阿拉伯村庄所采取的行动所带来的道德困境。在《基尔贝特·基泽》中，一切事情的发展都显得极为缓慢，仿佛叙述者是通过迷雾来看待这个世界的，又或者像是在梦中一样。然而，慢慢地，他开始意识到那些被迫离开家园的阿拉伯人所承受的巨大痛苦：“有某种东西像闪电般击中了我的心灵。突然间，一切都有了不同的含义——更确切地说，那就是流亡。这就是流亡的本质，这就是流亡的真实模样。”
• IN THE AFTERMATH of the war, it was increasingly obvious to David Ben-Gurion that Israel’s relationship with the United States was becoming much more complex than many had anticipated or hoped. He had good reason for concern. When the United Nations had been discussing Israel’s proposed borders prior to partition, the U.S. State Department encouraged the UN to redraw the borders and give more land to the Arabs. In 1953, John Foster Dulles, secretary of state at the time, suggested a “repatriation of specific numbers of Arab refugees to ‘the area presently controlled by Israel.’” The words presently controlled suggested to some Israelis that Dulles did not believe Israel would long survive. After Egypt signed the arms deal with the Czechs, the United States refused to sell Israel weaponry to restore the balance of power (which is what sent Israel to the French looking for arms). Israel pleaded with the Americans, but to no avail. In fact, “President Eisenhower remarked to French Prime Minister Guy Mollet that there was no point in selling arms to Israel inasmuch as 1,700,000 Jews could not possibly defend themselves against 40 million Arabs.”26 (See Map 7.) After the Sinai Campaign, the United States (along with the USSR) led the charge at the United Nations in denouncing Britain, France, and Israel for initiating the war. The American denunciation may have been a slap on the wrist, but Israel chose to make its case nonetheless and sent Foreign Minister Golda Meir to the United Nations. Meir, who was renowned for her wit, noted with bitter irony that a 战争结束后，大卫·本-古里安逐渐意识到，以色列与美国之间的关系变得比许多人预想的或希望的更为复杂。他完全有理由感到担忧：在联合国讨论以色列的分治边界问题时，美国国务院曾建议联合国重新划定边界，将更多土地划给阿拉伯人。1953年，当时的国务卿约翰·福斯特·DuLEEEESI提议“将一定数量的阿拉伯难民遣返到目前由以色列控制的地区”。那些话让一些以色列人认为，DuLEEEESI并不相信以色列能长久生存下去。在埃及与捷克签订武器交易协议后，美国拒绝向以色列出售武器以维持力量平衡——正是这一原因迫使以色列转向法国寻求武器支持。以色列曾向美国人恳求帮助，但毫无效果。事实上，艾森豪威尔总统对法国总理吉·莫莱说过：“向以色列出售武器是没有意义的，因为170万犹太人根本无法抵御4000万阿拉伯人的进攻。”“（见地图7。）西奈战役之后，美国与苏联一起在联合国上指责英国、法国和以色列挑起了这场战争。虽然美国的谴责措施可能只是象征性的，但以色列仍然选择为自己辩护，并派出了外交部长戈尔达·梅厄前往联合国。以机智闻名的梅厄苦涩地讽刺道……”comfortable division has been made. The Arab states unilaterally enjoy the “rights of war” [while] Israel has the unilateral responsibility of keeping the peace. But belligerency is not a one way street. Is it then surprising if a people laboring under this monstrous distinction should finally become restive and at last seek a way of rescuing its life from the perils of the regulated war that is conducted against it from all sides?27这种不平等的划分早已形成：阿拉伯国家单方面享有“战争权利”，而以色列则肩负着维护和平的单一责任。然而，好战行为并非单向的——对于那些生活在这种不公正制度下的人民来说，他们最终变得不安宁、并试图摆脱来自各方、充满危险性的“有组织战争”的威胁，这又有什么好奇怪的呢？
• She and Morris departed the United States in 1922. By 1956, she had climbed the ladder of Mapai party leadership, and David Ben-Gurion appointed her foreign minister. One of her first steps was to Hebraicize her name, like many Zionist leaders who had come before her; she changed it from Meyerson to Meir.她和莫里斯于1922年离开了美国。到1956年时，她已经晋升到了马派党的领导层职位，大卫·本-古里安任命她为外交部长。她采取的第一个行动就是将自己的名字改为希伯来语形式——就像许多之前的犹太复国主义领袖们一样；她把自己的名字从“梅耶森”改成了“梅尔”。Shortly after the Sinai Campaign, she pulled out Altneuland and read to the staff of the Foreign Ministry a passage from Herzl’s classic novel: 西奈战役结束后不久，她便拿出了《新土地》这本书，并为外交部的工作人员们朗读了赫茨尔那部经典小说中的某段文字。There is still one question arising out of the disaster of the nations which remains unsolved to this day, and whose profound tragedy only a Jew can comprehend. This is the African question. Just call to mind all those terrible episodes of the slave trade, of human beings who merely because they were black, were stolen like cattle, taken prisoner, captured and sold. Their children grew up in strange lands, the objects of contempt and hostility because their complexions were different. I am not ashamed to say, though I may expose myself to ridicule in saying so, that once I have witnessed the redemption of the Jews, my own people, I wish also to assist in the redemption of the Africans.29在那些民族灾难中，仍然有一个问题至今未得到解决；只有犹太人才能真正理解这一悲剧的深刻含义。那就是非洲问题。试想一下那些可怕的奴隶贸易事件吧——那些仅仅因为肤色黝黑就被当作牲畜一样偷走、俘虏并贩卖的人们。他们的孩子在异国他乡长大，却因肤色不同而遭到轻视和敌意。我毫不羞于承认这一点，尽管这么说可能会招来嘲笑；既然我见证了自己民族——犹太人的解放，那么我也希望为非洲人的解放尽一份力。When she finished reading from Altneuland, Meir told the members of her staff that it was their task to ensure the fulfillment of Herzl’s vision in this vein. With the beginning of the massive wave of African independence, Meir insisted that African nations and Israel had many shared experiences and struggles: “Like us, their freedom was won only after years of struggle. Like us, they had to fight for their statehood. And like us, nobody handed them their sovereignty on a silver platter.”30读完《新大陆》一书后，梅尔对她的团队成员们说，他们的任务就是致力于实现赫茨尔所描绘的这一愿景。随着非洲独立运动的浪潮席卷全球，梅尔强调非洲各国与以色列有着许多共同的经历和挑战：“就像我们一样，它们的自由也是经过多年斗争才取得的；就像我们一样，它们也为自己的国家地位而奋斗过；而且，就像我们一样，没有人会轻易地把主权送给它们。”Meir hoped that Israel would be able to provide technology, farming expertise, and most important, a model of a repressed people that had achieved a long-awaited national revival, to African countries that had histories very similar to Israel’s. She hoped that the Jewish story of rebirth and recovered sovereignty would speak not only to Jews, but to nations worldwide.梅尔希望以色列能够为那些历史与以色列极为相似的非洲国家提供技术、农业方面的专业知识，最重要的是，提供一个关于一个被压迫的民族如何实现期盼已久的民族复兴的典范。她相信，这个关于犹太民族如何重获新生和主权的故事，不仅能引起犹太人的共鸣，也能触动世界各地所有国家的人民。For a short while, Israel did manage to foster positive relationships with several African countries and used its expertise in agriculture, hydration, and other technologies to help them advance their own productivities. In the long term, Golda’s was a naive hope. The newly founded African countries would soon compose a bloc that would become one of Israel’s largest foes in the United Nations. Israel’s overtures had made no difference.有那么一段时间，以色列确实成功地与几个非洲国家建立了良好的关系，并利用自己在农业、水利以及其他技术领域的专长来帮助这些国家提高生产效率。但从长远来看，戈尔达的这种期望实在过于天真了。那些新成立的非洲国家很快便组成了一个联盟，后来这个联盟成为了以色列在联合国中最强大的对手之一。以色列所做出的种种努力根本没有任何作用。

 11 Israel Confronts the Holocaust

• Ever the pragmatist, Ben-Gurion countered that an economically flourishing Jewish state would arouse international admiration; Jews could safeguard their honor in more than one way. Ben-Gurion knew that the Israeli economy was on the verge of collapse. The government had instituted food rationing, Israel possessed virtually none of the heavy machinery necessary for getting the country on its feet, and the Jewish state desperately needed housing for the hundreds of thousands of destitute Jewish immigrants who had made their way to its shores. If German money could further Israel’s becoming a stable country, that, too, would be a form of exacting justice.作为一位务实主义者，本-古里安认为，一个经济繁荣的犹太国家必然会赢得国际社会的钦佩；犹太人完全可以通过其他方式来维护自己的尊严。不过本-古里安也清楚，以色列的经济正处于崩溃的边缘——政府已经实施了食物配给制度，该国几乎没有任何能够推动经济发展所需的重型机械设备；同时，这个新的犹太国家也迫切需要为那些涌入这里的数十万贫困犹太移民提供住所。如果德国的资金能够帮助以色列成为一个稳定的国家，那么这同样也是一种实现正义的方式。
• As Ben-Gurion had hoped, the reparations, combined with other foreign aid sources, got Israel on its feet. The money was used to improve housing, create an Israeli shipping fleet and national airline, build roads and telecommunication systems, and establish electricity networks. Reparations also helped finance Israel’s National Water Carrier project, critical to bringing water to arid parts of the country, making them habitable—no small challenge in the parched Middle East. Per capita (and adjusted for inflation), the tiny state spent on the National Water Carrier roughly six times the amount that the United States had expended to build the Panama Canal, and “far more than other iconic U.S. public works like the Hoover Dam or the Golden Gate Bridge.”11 At the height of the project, one of every fourteen able-bodied people in the country was working on the carrier, whether digging, pipefitting, welding, or performing some other task.12 It cost about 5 percent of Israel’s GDP, an extraordinary amount for any country—all the more so in an economically fragile one like Israel. Without the reparations, the project would likely not have been possible then.正如本-古里安所期望的那样，这些赔款再加上其他形式的外国援助，帮助以色列重新站了起来。这些资金被用于改善住房条件、建立以色列的航运队和国家航空公司、修建道路和电信系统以及铺设电力网络。赔款还为以色列的“国家供水工程”提供了资金支持——这一工程对于为该国干旱地区提供水源、使其变得适宜居住具有重要意义，在这片酷热干燥的中东地区，这无疑是一项艰巨的任务。按人均计算（并且经过通胀调整后），这个面积不大的国家为这项国家水利工程投入的资金，大约是美国修建巴拿马运河所耗成本的六倍；同时，这一投入也“远远超过了胡佛水坝或金门大桥等其他具有象征意义的美国公共工程”。在该项目的高峰期，该国每14个适龄劳动人口中就有1人参与了这项工程的建设工作，他们或是从事挖掘工作，或是进行管道安装，或是进行焊接作业，或是执行其他各种任务。这项工程的成本约占以色列国内生产总值的5%，对于任何国家来说这都是一个惊人的数字——而对于像以色列这样经济较为脆弱的国家而言，这一比例更是如此。如果没有那些赔偿金的话，这项工程很可能就无法得以实施。By the mid-1950s, Israel had the world’s fastest-growing economy, ahead even of Germany and Japan.13 There were also unanticipated consequences to the reparations, as well, far beyond the financial. For years, both Holocaust survivors and Israeli society had avoided speaking about what had happened in Europe in the 1940s. For the survivors, the memories were simply too painful. For Israeli society, the subject evoked both images of the Yishuv’s inability to help, and the image of a European Jew-as-victim that Israel sought to transcend.到20世纪50年代中期，以色列的经济增长速度位居世界首位，甚至超过了德国和日本。然而，这种赔偿措施所带来的后果远不止经济层面的影响，有些后果是完全出乎人们预料的。多年来，大屠杀幸存者们以及以色列社会都尽量避免谈论20世纪40年代发生在欧洲的事情。对那些幸存者来说，那些回忆实在太过痛苦了；而对于以色列社会而言，这个话题既让人联想到犹太复国运动当时无力提供援助的情景，也让人想起“欧洲犹太人作为受害者”这一形象——而以色列正是试图摆脱这种形象的。
• Now, in the aftermath of the reparations, the Israeli refusal to engage the subject of the Holocaust had its first crack. And the man now associated with the role of safeguarding Israel’s Jewish conscience was David Ben-Gurion’s political adversary, Menachem Begin. The reparations debate had afforded Begin the opportunity to represent Israel’s Jewish soul, the sanctity of Jewish memory, no matter how painful.如今，在赔偿问题尘埃落定之后，以色列方面拒不谈论大屠杀这一话题的做法终于遇到了首次挑战。而那个被视作能够守护以色列犹太民族良知的人，正是大卫·本-古里安的政治对手梅纳赫姆·贝京。这场关于赔偿的辩论为贝京提供了机会，让他得以代表以色列犹太民族的灵魂、代表犹太记忆的神圣性——尽管这些话题会带来痛苦。It was not only the seeds of Ben-Gurion’s Mapai Party’s fall that had been planted. This was also a turning point for the kibbutzim. Until that point in Israeli history, many of the kibbutzim outlawed private property with no exceptions. Members shared everything, including clothing and other gifts that kibbutz members might receive from friends or family. Children were raised not by their parents, but in communal children’s residences, where they slept from infancy.这不仅标志着本-古里安领导的马派党的衰落已经开始萌芽，同时也是基布兹运动的转折点。在以色列历史的那个阶段之前，许多基布兹都严格禁止私有财产的存在——没有任何例外。基布兹成员们共享一切，包括衣物以及从亲友那里收到的礼物。孩子们并不是由自己的父母抚养的，而是生活在集体设立的儿童住所中，从婴儿时期起就生活在那里。With the reparations, though, a crack in that policy also appeared. Survivors suddenly resisted the notion that the money they would receive for their own indescribable suffering should be shared with those who had not been through the Holocaust. Some kinds of property, they insisted, were simply not meant for everyone. On some kibbutzim, the debate that the issue evoked was no less vociferous or acrimonious than the heated debate in the Knesset.然而，随着赔偿金的发放，这一政策也出现了裂痕。那些经历过难以形容的苦难的人突然开始反对这样一种观点：他们因自己所遭受的痛苦而应获得的赔偿金，应该与那些没有经历过大屠杀的人共享。他们坚称，某些类型的财产根本就不应该属于所有人。在某些基布兹里，围绕这个问题的争论激烈程度，丝毫不亚于在以色列国会中进行的那些激烈的辩论。Several kibbutzim settled on a compromise position; members could keep some of the reparations that they received, but the rest would be deposited in the collective coffers. The kibbutz as an institution would survive for decades, but the absolute egalitarianism of the kibbutz was over. Decades later, when kibbutzim would privatize and abolish public property, some would ironically see the roots of the change in the influence that German reparations money had on Israel’s signature socialist institution.14一些基布兹采取了折中的方案：成员们可以保留自己收到的一部分赔偿金，而剩余的部分则会被存入集体账户中。作为一种社会制度，基布兹确实延续了数十年之久，但基布兹那种绝对平等的体制却就此结束了。几十年后，当基布兹开始私有化并废除公共财产制度时，有些人会讽刺地认为，这种变化的根源就在于德国赔偿金对以色列这一具有社会主义特色的社会制度所产生的影响。
• Tommy Lapid, a survivor of the Budapest ghetto and ultimately a well-known Israeli journalist and successful politician (and father of Yair Lapid, also a much admired journalist and founder of the political party Yesh Atid), recalled years later how veteran members of the Yishuv essentially accused the survivors for what they had endured. “‘Why didn’t you fight back?’ they would ask. ‘Why did you go like sheep to the slaughter?’ They were First-Class Jews who took up arms and fought, while we were Second-Class Yids whom the Germans could annihilate without encountering resistance.”28 Perhaps worse still, those who had been born in the Yishuv and come of age there made light of the horrific uses that Nazis had for the bodies of the murdered Jews. They knew, for example, that the Nazis had used the bodies of Jews to make soap. Lapid recalled: 汤米·拉皮德是布达佩斯犹太人聚居区的幸存者，后来成为了一位著名的以色列记者和成功的政治家（同时也是亚伊尔·拉皮德的父亲，而亚伊尔·拉皮德也是一位备受推崇的记者，并创立了“新未来”政党）。多年后，拉皮德回忆道，那些早期移民社区的成员实际上是在指责这些幸存者们所经历的一切。“他们问：‘你们为什么不反抗呢？为什么像羊一样任由敌人宰杀呢？’他们是‘第一等级的犹太人’，会拿起武器进行抵抗；而我们则是‘第二等级的犹太人’，德国人可以毫无阻碍地消灭我们。”更糟糕的是，那些在早期移民社区出生并长大的人，对纳粹利用被杀害犹太人的尸体所犯下的可怕罪行竟毫不在意。他们知道，纳粹曾用犹太人的尸体来制造肥皂。拉皮德这样回忆道：At the time, there was a cook . . . who was a survivor of Auschwitz with a number tattooed in blue on his arm. The longtime staffers called him Soap, a twisted play on the famed Nazi plan to use Jewish body fat to make soap. “Hey, Soap,” they would say. “What’s for lunch today?” to which Soap would chuckle uncomfortably and fill their plates.29当时有位厨师……他是奥斯维辛集中营的幸存者，手臂上纹着用蓝色墨水绘制的编号。那些长期在这儿工作的员工们称他为“肥皂”，这个称呼其实是对纳粹利用犹太人的体脂来制造肥皂这一恶行的一种讽刺。“嘿，‘肥皂’，今天中午吃什么？”他们会这样问。而“肥皂”则会尴尬地笑了笑，然后为他们盛上食物。

 12 Six Days of War Change a Country Forever

• ISRAEL’S PRIME ALLY at the moment of crisis was world Jewry. European and American Jews, listening to the rhetoric coming from Arab capitals, understood that this was no game. Knowing that they had underreacted during the Holocaust, American Jews were not prepared to make the same mistake again. They contributed money, organized rallies, and applied political pressure in Washington.在危机时刻，以色列最可靠的盟友就是全球的犹太人。欧洲和美国的犹太人们听到来自阿拉伯国家的那些言论后，立刻意识到这绝不是一场闹着玩的游戏。由于知道自己在大屠杀期间反应不够及时，美国的犹太人决不愿再次犯同样的错误。他们捐款支持相关行动，组织各种集会，并对华盛顿方面施加政治压力。A rally in New York in support of Israel attracted 150,000 people, the largest rally American Jews had ever staged. (AIPAC—the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, which would eventually become American Judaism’s central voice on Capitol Hill in support of the U.S.-Israel relationship—existed during this period, but would achieve genuine influence only a decade later.)21 Within six months, the United Jewish Appeal’s “emergency campaign” raised $307 million. American Jews were deeply moved—a new relationship between American Jews and Israel was dawning, just as Jews everywhere wondered whether the Jewish state would survive an inevitable onslaught. Across America, individual Jews dug deep, just as Israelis had, to do what they could to ensure the state’s survival. One couple in Beachwood, Ohio, for example, who had been painstakingly saving money for years toward a renovation of their home, pledged all the money they had saved to Israel.22在纽约举行的一场支持以色列的集会吸引了15万人参加，这是美国犹太人迄今为止规模最大的集会。虽然美国以色列公共事务委员会当时已经存在，但该组织直到十年后才真正发挥出影响力。在短短六个月内，“美国犹太人救济协会”的“紧急募捐活动”就筹集到了3.07亿美元。美国犹太人深受感动——一种新的美以关系正在诞生；而与此同时，全世界的犹太人都都在担忧这个新兴国家能否抵挡住即将到来的挑战。在美国各地，犹太人们都像以色列人一样竭尽全力为国家的生存出一份力。例如，俄亥俄州比奇伍德市有一对夫妇，他们多年来一直省吃俭用为房屋翻新攒钱，最终将所有积蓄都捐给了以色列。
• On Sunday, in a seven-hour meeting, Dayan presented his military proposal to the cabinet. The situation was dire: the Egyptians had at least 100,000 troops and 900 tanks in the Sinai. To the north, Syria had readied 75,000 men and 400 tanks, while the Jordanians had amassed 32,000 men and almost 300 tanks. In total, Israel faced a potential force of 207,000 soldiers and 1,600 tanks. With full mobilization, Israel could muster 264,000 soldiers but had only 800 tanks. When it came to planes, the situation was even worse. The Arabs had 700 combat aircraft, while Israel had only 300.周日，在一次持续了七小时的会议上，达扬向内阁提出了他的军事方案。形势极其严峻：埃及在西奈半岛至少部署了10万名士兵和900辆坦克；北部方面，叙利亚准备了7.5万名士兵和400辆坦克，而约旦则集结了3.2万名士兵和近300辆坦克。总体而言，以色列面临的敌对力量共计20.7万名士兵和1,600辆坦克。如果全面动员的话，以色列虽然能够调集26.4万名士兵，但却只有800辆坦克。至于飞机方面，情况更为糟糕——阿拉伯方面拥有700架作战飞机，而以色列仅有300架。But Dayan insisted that Israel could win if its forces struck soon. He asked the cabinet to approve a first strike, with the further request that he and Rabin alone would determine the timing. The cabinet voted 12–5 to authorize a preemptive attack on Egypt. The timing of the attack was left to Dayan and Rabin.但达扬坚持认为，如果以色列军队能尽快发动攻击，就一定能够取得胜利。他请求内阁批准先发制人的进攻行动，并进一步要求只有他和拉宾才能决定进攻的时机。内阁以12票对5票的结果通过了对埃及的先发制人攻击计划，而具体的进攻时间则由达扬和拉宾来决定。
• n terms of territory, the war changed Israel dramatically. Israel had gained forty-two thousand square miles in the war, more than tripling its original size.38 (See Map 8.) It captured the Gaza Strip, the Sinai Peninsula, the West Bank of the Jordan River (including East Jerusalem), and the Golan Heights. Israel felt like a different country. Haim Gouri, who had become accustomed to Jews not having access to those lands, said after the Six-Day War, “It seemed to me I’d died and was waking up, resurrected.” The once-divided country had finally been reunited. “All that I love was cast at my feet, stunningly ownerless, landscapes revealed as in a dream,” Gouri said. “The old Land of Israel, the homeland of my youth, the other half of my cleft country.”39从领土角度来看，这场战争给以色列带来了巨大的变化。以色列通过这场战争获得了4.2万平方英里的土地，其国土面积因此增加了两倍多（见地图8）。它占领了加沙地带、西奈半岛、约旦河以西的地区（包括东耶路撒冷），以及戈兰高地。对以色列来说，这简直就像是一个全新的国家。海姆·古里原本就习惯于犹太人无法进入那些地方；六日战争之后，他说：“我觉得自己仿佛已经死去，现在又重新复活了。”这个曾经分裂的国家终于重新统一了。“我所热爱的一切都呈现在我面前，毫无主人的痕迹，那些风景宛如梦境一般展现在我眼前，”古里说道，“那片古老的以色列土地，我年轻时代的故乡，也就是我这个分裂之国的另一半。”DURING THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE, some seven hundred thousand Arabs had left Israel and made their way to neighboring countries (which would, for the most part, turn them into permanent refugees by refusing to make them citizens). The Six-Day War radically altered their lives once again. They now found themselves living not under Jordanian rule, but Israeli control. There were, in 1967, some 1.25 million Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza, and their fate would become an issue of international concern.在独立战争期间，约有七十万阿拉伯人离开了以色列，前往了邻国。然而这些邻国大多拒绝授予他们公民身份，因此他们最终成为了永久难民。六日战争再次彻底改变了他们的生活——现在他们不再处于约旦的统治之下，而是处于以色列的控制之下。1967年时，西岸和加沙地区有大约125万巴勒斯坦人，他们的命运逐渐成为国际关注的问题。
• Over the years, it has become clear that these allegations have argumentative power but not historical merit. Indeed, once thirty years had passed since the war and Israel’s State Archive declassified documents from that period (Arab archives remain closed, indefinitely), it was possible to review the diplomatic history and to prove, as Michael Oren did in his magisterial Six Days of War, that “Israel was desperate to avoid war and, up to the eve of the battle, pursued every avenue in an effort to avert it.”42多年来，人们逐渐意识到：这些指控虽然具有煽动性，但并无历史依据。事实上，战争结束三十年后，以色列国家档案馆解密了那段时期的相关文件（而阿拉伯方面的档案至今仍被封存，且解密时间也未确定）。通过对这些档案的查阅，人们得以重新审视那段外交历史，并正如迈克尔·奥伦在其著作《六日战争》中所证明的那样：“以色列其实极力希望避免战争的发生；在战斗前夕之前，他们已经尝试了各种办法来阻止战争的爆发。”
• WITH THE GUNS SILENCED and the danger averted, Israel was in the throes of virtually unbridled euphoria. The Jewish state had more than survived. Betrayed by the French, put off by the Americans, and rattled by the Russians, Israelis had been left entirely on their own. And they had won, decisively. The ragtag band of fighters that had pushed the British out of Palestine had now been transformed into a highly professional army. Israel was the region’s most powerful country, by a wide margin. And the Jews were out of danger. Gone were the days when one could threaten the Jewish people with impunity. Gone were the days when Jews would cower in fear as their enemies amassed arms. Gone were the days when Jews had to wonder about whether another Holocaust was just around the corner. Those early Zionist thinkers had dreamed of a world in which the Jews, sovereign on the land of their ancestral home, would finally be safe. That day had finally come.随着枪声的停止以及危险的消除，以色列陷入了几乎无法抑制的狂喜之中。这个犹太国家不仅成功生存了下来——曾遭到法国人的背叛、美国人的拖延，还受到俄罗斯人的威胁，如今他们终于完全依靠自己的力量取得了胜利。那些曾经将英国人赶出巴勒斯坦的杂牌武装队伍，如今已经发展成了一支高度专业化的军队。以色列成为了该地区最强大的国家，这一优势极为明显。犹太人民再也不用面对任何威胁了；那些敌人囤积武器时犹太人会恐惧地蜷缩起来的日子，也一去不复返了。那些犹太人不得不担心另一场大屠杀是否即将降临的年代已经一去不复返了。早期的锡安主义思想家们曾梦想着一个这样的世界：在那里，犹太人能够在自己的祖籍土地上享有主权，最终获得安全与安宁。而那个日子，终于到来了。Israelis were not the only ones in the thralls of the euphoria. Soviet Jews, witness to a different image of the Jew than that on which they had been raised, suddenly felt a new pride in being Jewish.43 Their demands to leave the USSR for Israel would become only more vociferous in the years to come. American Jews were also jubilant. In the year after the war, sixteen thousand American Jews moved to Israel, which was more than the total number of American Jews who had made that move since Israel’s creation.44并非只有以色列人才沉浸在这种欢欣鼓舞的情绪之中。苏联的犹太人们看到了与他们成长过程中所了解的犹太人形象截然不同的现实，因此突然间产生了作为犹太人的新自豪感。未来几年里，他们要求离开苏联前往以色列的呼声只会越来越强烈。美国的犹太人也同样欣喜若狂。战争结束后的那一年里，有一万六千名美国犹太人搬到了以色列——这一数字甚至超过了自以色列建国以来所有移居那里的美国犹太人的总数。

 14 Yom Kippur War: The “Conception” Crashes

• You promised . . . peace . . . [and] you promised to keep your promises.你承诺过……会带来和平……你还说过会遵守自己的承诺。—From the Israeli song “Winter ’73”——摘自以色列歌曲《1973年的冬天》
• In the spring of 1973, when Yitzhak Rabin returned to Israel after a five-year stint in Washington as Israel’s ambassador to the United States, he sensed that he had come back to a country transformed. “The Israel I came home to had a self-confident, almost smug aura to it,” he said, “as befits a country far removed from the possibility of war.”11973年春天，伊扎克·拉宾在担任以色列驻美国大使的五年任期结束后回到以色列。他感觉到，这个国家已经发生了巨大的变化。“当我回到祖国时，看到的是一个充满自信、甚至有些沾沾自喜的国家，”他说，“一个完全不必担心战争威胁的国家。”If the weeks prior to the Six-Day War had been a time of unprecedented self-doubt and pervasive despair, the years following the war heralded a period of great confidence. Israel, it seemed, had moved beyond the threat of destruction; the Diaspora-like nervousness of Israel’s earlier generations now appeared a vestige of the Jewish past.如果说六日战争前的那些周充满了前所未有的自我怀疑与普遍的绝望，那么战争之后的岁月则迎来了充满信心的时期。以色列似乎已经摆脱了毁灭的威胁；以色列前几代人所拥有的那种如流亡者般的紧张情绪，如今看来已成为了犹太民族历史上的遗迹罢了。
• Later, Israelis would refer to the new national mind-set—a worldview that was especially deeply rooted in the military’s top brass and Israel’s intelligence community—as the conceptzia, the “conception.” Rank-and-file Israelis as well as their leaders had complete faith in the IDF’s military superiority. Certain that it would take years for Egypt to recover the military might that the Jewish state had summarily destroyed in six lightning days, they assumed that Syria also knew better than to attack Israel’s northern border. Thanks to the IDF, they asserted, Israel was now invulnerable.后来，以色列人将这种新的国家思维模式——一种尤其深入植根于以色列军方高层及情报机构中的世界观——称为“概念主义”。无论是普通以色列民众还是他们的领导人都对以色列国防军的军事优势抱有十足的信心。他们认为，埃及需要数年时间才能重新恢复那个犹太国家在短短六天内就彻底摧毁的军事力量；因此，他们相信叙利亚也不会冒险进攻以色列的北部边境。在他们看来，多亏了以色列国防军，以色列如今已经变得无懈可击了。Israeli life had changed in numerous ways. If in the early years of the state military leaders spoke of their accomplishments with a sense of humility—the pervasive culture insisted that they were merely “doing their duty to serve the nation”—Israel now venerated IDF generals and treated them as heroes. Some of those generals then parlayed their newfound popularity to move into politics, eroding what had been Ben-Gurion’s policy of insisting upon a clear divide between the military and the political sphere. David Ben-Gurion, Moshe Sharett, and Levi Eshkol, the three men who had served as prime minister from 1948 through the Six-Day War, had virtually no military experience to speak of. In the years to follow, however, many of Israel’s prime ministers would be former generals or highly decorated soldiers.以色列人的生活发生了许多变化。在国家成立的初期，军事领导人谈论自己的成就时总是表现出谦逊的态度——因为当时的社会文化认为他们只是在“履行服务国家的职责”而已；而如今，以色列人却尊崇以色列国防军将领，并将他们视为英雄。一些将领利用这种新获得的声望进入了政坛，从而削弱了本-古里安所倡导的“军队与政治应保持分离”的政策。1948年至六日战争期间担任过总理的戴维·本-古里安、摩西·夏雷特和列维·埃施科尔三人，实际上都没有任何军事经验。然而，在之后的岁月里，许多以色列总理都曾是将军或受过荣誉表彰的军人。
• The near asceticism of Zionist leaders like Ben-Gurion, A. D. Gordon, or Golda Meir also disappeared. Israel’s early leaders had eschewed physical comforts, and even when they reached the peak of the political ladder, they lived in small, plain apartments with astonishingly few comforts. That, too, was gone. Israeli leaders began to permit themselves to live well—very well, indeed.犹太复国主义者领袖如本-古里安、A.D.戈登或戈尔达·梅厄的近乎禁欲主义也消失了。以色列早期的领导人避开了物质上的舒适，即使在他们达到政治阶梯的顶峰时，他们也住在小而朴素的公寓里，几乎没有什么舒适设施。那也消失了。以色列领导人开始允许自己过得很好，确实很好。
• ”Suddenly, with Syria rather than Israel on the defensive, superpower concerns began to dominate. With the Soviet Union alarmed at Israel’s proximity to Damascus, Anatoly Dobrynin, the Soviet ambassador to the United States, intimated to Kissinger on October 11 that Soviet airborne forces were on alert and Soviet warships were heading to Syrian coastal towns, all to defend Damascus. Two days later, on October 13, Richard Nixon ordered American planes to assist in the military airlift to Israel.突然间，局势发生了逆转——现在处于防御地位的是叙利亚而非以色列，超级大国的担忧开始占据主导地位。由于苏联对以色列靠近大马士革这一情况感到担忧，苏联驻美国大使阿纳托利·多布里宁于10月11日向基辛格表示，苏联的空降部队已经处于备战状态，同时苏联军舰也正驶向叙利亚的沿海城市，所有这些行动都是为了保卫大马士革。两天后，也就是10月13日，理查德·尼克松下令美国飞机协助向以色列进行军事空运行动。Now Israel had to address the threat from the south. On October 14, the Egyptians made a serious tactical mistake. They pushed beyond their SAM umbrella in order to launch a new attack, exposing themselves to the Israeli Air Force. In the battle that ensued, Egypt lost 250 tanks while Israel lost only 20. The tide in the south had begun to shift.现在，以色列不得不应对来自南方的威胁。10月14日，埃及人犯了一个严重的战术错误——他们突破了自身的防空系统范围去发动新的进攻，从而将自己暴露在以色列空军的攻击之下。在这场战斗中，埃及损失了250辆坦克，而以色列仅损失了20辆坦克。南方战局的走势开始发生了变化。
• Israel exploited the momentum. On October 15, under the command of General Ariel Sharon, Israeli forces began a strike that would enable them to cross the Suez Canal. In what was a very bloody battle (Israel lost three hundred soldiers in that battle alone—almost half of what it had lost in the entire Six-Day War), the first Israeli troops made it to the other side of the canal. Within a week, the IDF had crossed the canal en masse and had captured its western bank. On October 19, the Soviet Union and the United States began to pressure Egypt and Israel, respectively, to call for a cease-fire. Fighting continued, however, in both the north and the south.以色列抓住了这一有利时机。10月15日，在阿里埃勒·沙龙将军的指挥下，以色列军队发起了进攻，成功穿越了苏伊士运河。在这场极其血腥的战斗中，以色列仅在这场战役中就失去了300名士兵——这几乎相当于其在整个六日战争中损失的士兵人数的一半。首批以色列部队最终抵达了运河对岸。一周之内，以色列国防军便大规模地渡过了运河，并控制了其西岸地区。10月19日，苏联和美国分别向埃及和以色列施压，要求双方停火。然而，南北两地的战斗仍继续着。On October 22, the United Nations Security Council met and then passed Resolution 338, calling for a cessation of fighting at 6:52 P.M. that day. Just two minutes before the deadline, Israeli radio announced that Israel would accept the terms of the cease-fire.10月22日，联合国安理会召开了会议，并通过了第338号决议，要求当日下午6点52分停止战斗。就在截止时间前两分钟，以色列电台宣布以色列将接受停火协议的内容。Still, the battles persisted. But at two A.M. on October 24, after the IDF had encircled the Egyptian Third Army and could have wiped it out, Egypt and Syria agreed to the cease-fire. When it went into effect at one P.M., the war was essentially over.然而，战斗依然持续着。但在10月24日凌晨2点，当以色列国防军已经包围了埃及第三军并且完全有能力将其歼灭时，埃及和叙利亚最终同意停火。停火协议于当天下午1点正式生效，至此这场战争实际上已经结束了。BY THE END OF THE WAR, the IDF had performed admirably. In dogfights, the IAF shot down 277 Arab planes, losing only 6 of its own (a 46:1 ratio). Altogether, the Arab armies lost 432 planes to Israel’s 102. The cost in men had been very high. Arab casualties numbered 8,258 dead and 19,540 wounded, though some Israeli estimates of Arab casualties claim that the real losses were twice that—15,000 dead (among them 11,000 Egyptians) and 35,000 wounded (25,000 of them Egyptian).24战争结束时，以色列国防军的表现极为出色。在空战中，以色列空军击落了277架阿拉伯飞机，而自己仅损失了6架飞机（伤亡比为46:1）。总体而言，阿拉伯军队有432架飞机被以色列方面击落，而以色列方面则只损失了102架飞机。不过人员伤亡代价非常高：阿拉伯方面有8,258人丧生、19,540人受伤；不过有些以色列方面的估计认为，阿拉伯方面的实际伤亡人数是这一数字的两倍——共有15,000人丧生（其中11,000人是埃及人），35,000人受伤（其中25,000人是埃及人）。Israel lost 2,656 soldiers, with another 7,250 wounded. It was a figure dramatically lower than the Arab losses, but it was more than three times what Israel had lost in 1967—when it had tripled its size in a lightning war of six days. In this war, which had dragged on for much longer, Israel ended up essentially where it had started. There had clearly been egregious blunders in the days leading up to the war, and the country was reeling from the astounding number of casualties. Many Israeli assumptions about land, peace, and war were shattered. Though Israelis had cause to have confidence, once again, in the soldiers at the front, they had less confidence in their leadership; and their hope for any possibility of peace in the region had eroded. Gone, for many, was the hope that there would ever be a “last war.” As Yigal Yadin noted after the conflict, “This [was] the first war in which fathers and sons have been in action together. We never thought that would happen. We—the fathers—fought in order that our sons would not have to go to war.”25以色列有2,656名士兵阵亡，另有7,250人受伤。这一伤亡数字远低于阿拉伯方面的损失，但却是1967年那场战争中以色列所遭受损失的三倍以上。1967年的那场战争仅持续了六天，以色列的领土面积却增加了两倍；而这次战争则持续了更长的时间，最终以色列几乎回到了战争开始时的状态。显然，在战争爆发前的那些日子里，以色列犯下了许多严重的错误，而如此庞大的伤亡人数也令这个国家陷入了混乱之中。以色列关于土地、和平与战争等诸多先入之见，都在这场战争中被彻底打破了。尽管以色列人有理由对前线的士兵们充满信心，但他们对领导层的信任却降低了；同时，该地区实现和平的希望也渐渐破灭了。对许多人来说，“最后一场战争”这种期望已经不复存在了。正如伊加尔·亚丁在冲突结束后所指出的那样：“这是第一场父子共同参战的战争。我们从未想过这种事情会发生。我们这些父亲之所以参战，就是为了不让我们的儿子们不得不上战场。”
• Yet their parents had made promises, too. “You promised to do everything for us, to turn our enemy into a loved one.” Even a whole generation later, though, that had not happened. Hence the refrain that had Israel in its grip, and which still evokes goose bumps among a population that continues to sing the song: 然而，他们的父母也曾做出过承诺。“你们说过会为我们做一切，会把我们的敌人变成我们所爱的人。”然而，即便过了整整一代人的时间，这一承诺依然没有实现。因此，这句歌词一直萦绕在以色列人民的心头，每当人们唱起这首歌时，仍然会让人不寒而栗：You promised peace;你曾承诺带来和平；You promised spring at home and blossoms;You promised to keep your promises;You promised a dove.你承诺过家里会有春天和盛开的鲜花；你承诺过会信守自己的诺言；你还承诺过会送来一只鸽子。 When that song appeared in 1995, more than two decades after the Yom Kippur War, no dove had come. Israel was a country with a still-broken heart, a country still at war. Even the religious holiday of atonement, Yom Kippur, would never be the same in the Jewish state. A religious holiday of deep personal introspection had been transformed into—and remains to this very day—an annual remembrance of incompetence, grief, loss, and the shattering of Israeli illusions.那首歌于1995年问世，而那时距离赎罪日战争已经过去了二十多年。然而，和平依然没有降临。以色列仍是一个心怀伤痛、仍处于战争状态中的国家。即便是赎罪日这个象征赎罪的宗教节日，在这个犹太国家中也再不复从前了。原本应该用于深刻自我反省的宗教节日，如今却变成了每年一次对无能、悲伤、失落以及以色列人那些破灭的幻想的纪念活动。
• Rabin’s rise to the office of prime minister marked the beginning of a new era. He was the first prime minister born in the twentieth century and the first native-born. He was the first who had received his entire education in Israel and was the first to emerge from the ranks of the army. Israelis felt ready for a new sort of leader.29拉宾当选为总理，标志着一个新时代的开始。他是第一位出生于20世纪的以色列总理，也是首位土生土长的以色列领导人。他是第一个在以色列完成全部教育的人，同时也是第一位从军队中走出来担任总理的人。以色列人民显然已经准备好迎接这样一位新型领导者了。
• American Jews sensed the change, and some, who had found a self-confident, pugnacious Israel difficult to deal with post-1967, were actually relieved that some of the wind had been taken out of Israel’s sails. “It will be a pleasure,” several American Jewish leaders occasionally remarked, “to deal with a lesser Israel.”30 In the ongoing tension between the views of Jacob Blaustein and David Ben-Gurion, those of Blaustein were once again on the ascendancy.美国犹太人感受到了这种变化。有些人在1967年之后发现，那个自信且好斗的以色列实在难以相处；因此，看到以色列的锐气有所减弱，他们反而感到如释重负。一些美国犹太领袖偶尔会表示：“与一个不再那么强势的以色列打交道，倒是一件乐事。”在雅各布·布劳斯坦和大卫·本-古里安之间的观点分歧中，布劳斯坦的观点又一次占据了上风。

 16 Taking a Page from the Zionists: The Rise of Palestinian Nationalism

• In 1984, as Deri was rising to political prominence, Rabbi Ovadia Yosef had just retired from the position as Sephardic chief rabbi of Israel.* Rabbi Yosef was both a legal genius who had produced an extraordinary corpus of rulings on a wide array of Jewish legal topics and also a populist with a knack for vitriol directed at non-Orthodox Jews, Arabs, or anyone else of whom he disapproved at any given moment. Leveraging his great popularity among the Mizrachim (and with the guidance of another leading rabbi, Rabbi Elazar Shach), Rav Ovadia, as his flock referred to him, formed a political party called Shas.* The party’s name was the product of two Hebrew letters that are the acronym of Shomrei Sefarad (“The Sephardi Guards”), meaning the Sephardic guardians of the Torah. But the name was a double entendre, since the Hebrew could also be understood as “Guardians of the Sephardim.”1984年，当德里逐渐在政坛上崭露头角时，奥瓦迪亚·约瑟夫拉比刚刚从以色列塞法迪犹太教首席拉比的职位上退休。约瑟夫拉比既是一位法律天才——他就各种犹太法律问题发表了大量精辟的裁决——同时也是一位具有民粹主义倾向的人物；他擅长用尖刻的语言攻击非正统派犹太人、阿拉伯人，以及任何他当时不认可的人。凭借自己在米兹拉希社区中的极高声望，并在另一位著名拉比埃拉扎尔·沙赫的指导下，奥瓦迪亚拉比创立了一个名为“沙斯”的政党。该党名的由来是两个希伯来字母的组合，这两个字母构成了“Shomrei Sefarad”这个缩写词，意为“塞法迪犹太人的守护者”；不过这个名称也含有双关意味，因为这些希伯来字母也可以被理解为“塞法迪犹太人的保护者”。
• During the 1970s and 1980s, the Muslim Brotherhood became the most prominent of the Islamist organizations. In many places in the Arab world, it began developing effective systems for providing critical social services—services that the secular governments had failed to provide.3 Its social service organizations, though, brought with them a distinct, highly traditionalist religious message, which spread rapidly. Soon, the impact could be seen plainly on the Arab street. There were more women donning a hijab (a traditional Muslim headdress), more bearded men (also a sign of greater religious devotion). Twenty years after the Six-Day War, a new devotion to Islam could be seen in the religious institutions being created everywhere Israelis looked.20世纪70和80年代期间，穆斯林兄弟会成为了伊斯兰主义组织中最具影响力的力量。在阿拉伯世界的许多地方，该组织开始建立起有效的社会服务体系，提供那些世俗政府未能提供的必要服务。不过，这些社会服务机构所传播的宗教理念具有浓厚的传统主义色彩，并且传播速度极快。不久之后，这种变化便在阿拉伯社会的各个层面显现出来：佩戴头巾的妇女越来越多，留胡子的男性也越来越多——这些都属于表现出更强宗教虔诚度的表现。六日战争二十年后，无论以色列人走到哪里，都能看到各种新的宗教机构不断涌现，人们对于伊斯兰教的热情也在与日俱增。Stalled economic opportunity helped shift the dynamics of Muslim religiosity in the West Bank and in Gaza, as well. In many ways, Israeli rule had improved Palestinians’ economic lot. In the years after the Six-Day War, between 1967 and the 1980s, annual per capita income in the Gaza Strip increased from $80 to $1,700. In the West Bank, the GDP tripled in the same period. The number of cars in the territories increased tenfold. In 1967, only 18 percent of households in Gaza had electricity. But in 1981, when Gazan communities were connected to the Israeli electric grid, that number rose to 89 percent.经济机会的匮乏促使西岸和加沙地带的穆斯林宗教情绪发生了变化。从某些角度来看，以色列的统治实际上改善了巴勒斯坦人的经济状况。在六日战争之后的那些年里，即1967年至1980年代期间，加沙地带的人均年收入从80美元增加到了1,700美元；西岸地区的GDP则在此期间增长了两倍，该地区汽车的数量也增加了十倍。1967年时，加沙只有18%的家庭拥有电力供应；而到1981年，当加沙地区与以色列的电力网连接起来后，这一比例上升到了89%。But Israeli rule had not erased crushing poverty among parts of the populations of Gaza; Gaza was still densely populated and overcrowded. Untreated sewage ran in the streets, and many homes did not have running water. Then, economic growth stalled in the mid-1980s. The frustration with the economic downturn was particularly acute in the Palestinian refugee camps, where masses of people lived in squalor.然而，以色列的统治并未消除加沙部分地区普遍存在的极度贫困现象；加沙依然人口密集、过度拥挤。未经处理的污水在街上游荡，许多家庭甚至没有自来水供应。到了20世纪80年代中期，经济增长陷入了停滞。对于这种经济衰退的沮丧情绪，在巴勒斯坦难民营中尤为明显——那里有大量人生活在恶劣的环境中。The well-mobilized Islamist movements, with their promises for brighter futures, resonated with the Palestinian refugees who had again and again been sorely disappointed by movements—such as Pan-Arabism—that had claimed that they would bring about change but had done nothing. The Muslim Brotherhood found itself with more influence, more power—and increasing numbers of religiously devout followers.这些组织严密、行动力强的伊斯兰主义运动，以其对更美好未来的承诺，引起了那些屡次遭受失望的巴勒斯坦难民的共鸣。此前，诸如泛阿拉伯主义之类的运动曾宣称能够带来变革，但实际上却什么也没做。而穆斯林兄弟会则逐渐获得了更大的影响力、更多的权力，以及越来越多的虔诚追随者。
• Israel’s open policies, ironically, contributed to the spread of Muslim fundamentalism in both Gaza and the West Bank. Prior to the Six-Day War, there had been no universities in the territories. Hoping to foster the growth of more moderate movements, Israel encouraged higher education in the land it now controlled, and seven universities were established in the West Bank and Gaza. But to a large extent, the plan backfired. Many of the more radical Islamist movements grew exponentially in the university setting. When they did, Israel assumed—incorrectly as it turned out—that they were primarily religious movements and not political. That, however, was a major miscalculation and it would later cost Israel dearly.具有讽刺意味的是，以色列的开放政策反而促进了穆斯林原教旨主义的在加沙和西岸地区的蔓延。六日战争之前，这些地区根本没有任何大学。为了推动更为温和的势力的发展，以色列鼓励在其控制的领土上发展高等教育，于是西岸和加沙地区相继建立了七所大学。然而这一计划在很大程度上适得其反——许多激进的伊斯兰主义组织正是在大学环境中迅速发展起来的。以色列当时错误地认为这些组织主要是宗教性质的，而非政治性的；但这一判断实乃重大误判，后来给以色列带来了沉重的代价。
• In 1988, another Muslim organization, Hamas, was founded. For Hamas’s followers, a central religious obligation was the liberation of all of historic Palestine from “Zionist occupation,” claiming that the land “from the river to the sea” was a Muslim waqf, or “endowment.” They vowed to wage holy war, or jihad, against Israel.1988年，另一个穆斯林组织哈马斯应运而生。对哈马斯的追随者来说，最重要的宗教义务就是将整个历史上的巴勒斯坦从“犹太复国主义的占领”下解放出来；他们声称，那片“从河流到海洋”的土地属于穆斯林的瓦克夫财产。他们发誓要対以色列发动圣战。Hamas adopted a founding charter blatantly anti-Semitic in tone and content, perpetuating tropes found in Nazi propaganda against Jews, including the Protocols of the Elders of Zion. The language and its tenor were familiar to those who knew the history of the twentieth century: 哈马斯采用了一部在语气和内容上都明显带有反犹太主义色彩的章程。该章程延续了纳粹宣传中针对犹太人的那些陈词滥调，其中包括《锡安长老议定书》这样的荒谬文件。对于了解20世纪历史的人来说，这种措辞及其背后的倾向是再熟悉不过的了。Today it is Palestine and tomorrow it may be another country or other countries. For Zionist scheming has no end, and after Palestine they will covet expansion from the Nile to the Euphrates. Only when they have completed digesting the area on which they will have laid their hand, they will look forward to more expansion, etc. Their scheme has been laid out in the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, and their present [conduct] is the best proof of what is said there.4今天是巴勒斯坦，明天可能就是另一个国家或几个国家了。因为犹太复国主义的野心永无止境；在占领了巴勒斯坦之后，他们还会觊觎从尼罗河到幼发拉底河这一地区的领土。只有当他们完全控制了已经攫取的那些地区之后，才会继续谋求进一步的扩张。他们的阴谋计划早在《锡安长老议定书》中就有详细阐述，而他们目前的所作所为，正是那些阴谋内容的最佳证明。Hamas insisted that the Jews “founded the United Nations and the Security Council in order to rule over all the world.”5 Hamas placed responsibility for almost all international wars—including the revolutions in France and Russia, and World Wars I and II—at the feet of the Jews. Most important was the organization’s attitude toward Israel. The introduction to Hamas’s charter promised that “Israel will rise and will remain erect until Islam eliminates it as it had eliminated its predecessors.”哈马斯坚称，犹太人“创立了联合国和安全理事会，目的是为了统治整个世界”。哈马斯将几乎所有国际战争的责任——包括法国和俄罗斯的革命，以及第一次和第二次世界大战——都归咎于犹太人。其中最重要的是该组织对以色列的态度。哈马斯章程的开篇便宣称：“以色列将会继续存在下去，直到伊斯兰教像消灭其前身们那样消灭它为止。”Nasser was dead. Israel’s military superiority had effectively neutralized any Syrian threat. Pan-Arabism was a thing of the past. Yet once again, Israel found itself arrayed against another enemy sworn to its destruction.纳赛尔已经去世了。以色列的军事优势有效地消除了叙利亚带来的任何威胁。泛阿拉伯主义也已经成为了过去。然而，以色列又一次发现自己不得不面对一个誓要将其消灭的敌人。
• ON DECEMBER 9, 1987, an Israeli truck driver accidentally ran over four Arab workers in the Gaza Strip. The long-simmering Arab street in both the West Bank and Gaza exploded with fury and into violence. Hundreds, then thousands, of young people began seeking confrontations with Israeli soldiers, throwing rocks and Molotov cocktails at both soldiers and civilians. General strikes followed, enforced against reluctant store owners by gangs of thugs. With this new and unexpected resistance movement, dubbed the intifada (Arabic for “shaking off,” as in the way a dog shakes water off its fur, a metaphor for how the Palestinians were going to shake Israel off their backs), Israel now faced a new military frontier.1987年12月9日，一名以色列卡车司机在加沙地带意外碾死了四名阿拉伯工人。这一事件引发了西岸和加沙地区长期潜伏着的愤怒情绪，暴力事件随之爆发。起初有数百人，后来逐渐发展到数千名年轻人开始与以色列士兵发生冲突，他们向士兵和平民投掷石块和燃烧瓶。随后全国范围内爆发了大罢工，而那些不情愿遵守罢工规定的店主们则遭到了暴徒团伙的胁迫。这场突如其来的抵抗运动被称为“因蒂法达”（在阿拉伯语中意为“甩掉”，象征着巴勒斯坦人民决心将以色列从自己身上甩掉）。从此，以色列面临着一个新的军事挑战。
• The intifada worked. Israelis were now worrying not only about the impact of the occupation on the Palestinians living under Israeli rule, but also about what being occupiers was doing to them, their children, and their humanity. Many were coming to agree with the Israeli Orthodox philosopher Yeshayahu Leibowitz, who had warned as early as 1967 that “Israel had to ‘liberate itself from this curse of dominating another people,’” if it did not wish to “bring about a catastrophe for the Jewish people as a whole.”13这次起义确实产生了效果。以色列人现在不再仅仅担心占领政策对生活在以色列统治下的巴勒斯坦人的影响，同时也开始反思作为占领者这一身份对他们自己、他们的孩子以及他们的人性所带来的负面影响。许多人开始认同以色列正统派哲学家耶沙亚胡·莱博维茨的观点——早在1967年，他就警告说：“如果以色列不想给整个犹太民族带来灾难，就必须‘摆脱统治他人的这种诅咒’。”The intifada also dealt a devastating blow to the Israeli political Right. As Yossi Klein Halevi noted, many Israelis, faced with this outburst of Palestinian rage, began to understand that the mere notion that peace could be had while Israel held on to Gaza and the West Bank and the millions of Palestinians who lived there was the stuff of sheer fantasy. As the West Bank continued to burn, the notion of an “enlightened” occupation that had pervaded Israeli discourse in the years after the Six-Day War—but that had its earliest roots in Herzl’s Altneuland with its image of Arabs welcoming Jews because of the progress they would bring with them—went up in flames as well. The writing was on the wall—Palestinians had shown Israelis that Palestinian nationalism was not a force that Israel could ignore. It might take years or decades, but for increasing numbers of Israelis, there was now little doubt that Israel would have to leave most of the West Bank, sooner or later.这次起义也对以色列的右翼势力造成了毁灭性打击。正如约西·克莱因-哈莱维所指出的那样，面对巴勒斯坦人的愤怒抗议，许多以色列人开始意识到：认为以色列只要继续控制加沙和西岸地区，同时让生活在那里的数百万巴勒斯坦人继续留在原地，就能实现和平的这种想法，纯粹是一种幻想。随着西岸地区持续陷入混乱，那种“开明式占领”的观念也随之彻底破灭了。这种观念曾在六日战争之后的几年里充斥着以色列的舆论场；而其最初起源，则可以追溯到赫茨尔提出的“新家园”构想——在那个构想中，阿拉伯人会因为犹太人带来的进步而欢迎他们。种种迹象已经表明：巴勒斯坦人向以色列人证明了，巴勒斯坦民族主义是一股以色列无法忽视的力量。虽然这一过程可能需要数年甚至数十年的时间，但对于越来越多的以色列人来说，现在几乎不再有疑问了——以色列迟早不得不放弃约旦河西岸的大部分地区。
• EUROPE, TOO, WAS EXPERIENCING seismic shifts. In late 1989, the Berlin Wall came down. By 1991, the Soviet Union had dissolved, and the United States stood alone as the world’s uncontested superpower. Ever since Israel’s founding, Israel and its Arab neighbor-enemies had been caught in a larger battle between the world’s two superpowers. American-Russian relations impacted the wars of 1956, 1967, and 1973, and much in between. The United States had voted at the United Nations in favor of the creation of a Jewish state, though there had been difficult periods in relations between the two countries. By the time the Soviet Union fell, the United States was seen as Israel’s protector while the Soviet Union had stood behind the Arab states. Now, the Arabs were going to have to find a new source of backing; in the years to come, European countries would play a much more central role in the conflict.欧洲也经历了巨大的变革。1989年底，柏林墙倒塌了。到1991年，苏联解体了，美国成为了世界上无可争议的超级大国。自以色列建国以来，以色列与其阿拉伯邻国之间就一直处于世界两大超级大国之间的冲突之中。美俄关系对1956年、1967年、1973年的战争以及其间发生的许多其他冲突都产生了影响。虽然两国之间的关系曾经历过一些紧张时期，但美国还是在联合国投票支持建立犹太国家这一举措。当苏联解体时，美国被视为以色列的保护者，而苏联则一直支持着阿拉伯国家。如今，阿拉伯国家不得不寻找新的支持来源；在未来的岁月里，欧洲国家将在这一冲突中扮演更加重要的角色。
• The fall of the Soviet Union changed Israel internally, as well. The Jewish state was about to embrace the largest infusion of immigrants since its founding. The exodus of Soviet Jews had not come about overnight and had been, in fact, one of the key projects to which American Jewry had long devoted itself. Ever since Stalin had come to power, Soviet Jews had been living under a repressive, authoritarian regime that sought to snuff out Jewish learning, Zionist activity, and Jewish identity writ large. Stalin and the Soviet leaders who followed him here were successful in dramatically decreasing the levels of Jewish knowledge among Soviet Jews over a period of some seventy years, but they failed to stem the desire of many to join their fellow Jews in Israel. That desire took on new energy in 1967, when Soviet Jews saw in Israel a new model of what it meant to be Jewish, a model in which Jews were no longer victims and of which they therefore wanted to be a part.苏联的解体也改变了以色列的内部状况。这个犹太国家即将迎来自建国以来规模最大的移民潮。苏联犹太人的迁徙并非一夜之间发生的；事实上，这一进程长期以来一直是美国犹太社区致力于推动的重要事业之一。自从斯大林掌权后，苏联犹太人就生活在一种压迫性、专制的政权之下，这种政权竭力扼杀犹太文化、锡安主义活动以及犹太民族的特性。斯大林及其之后的苏联领导人，在大约七十年的时间里成功降低了苏联犹太人中的犹太文化知识水平，但他们未能抑制许多犹太人想要前往以色列与同胞们团聚的愿望。这一愿望在1967年重新焕发了活力——那一年，苏联犹太人从以色列身上看到了“作为犹太人应该是什么样”的新典范：在这个典范中，犹太人不再是被压迫的受害者，因此他们渴望成为其中的一员。Because the gates of the USSR were closed, freeing Soviet Jews became a central project of American Jews and the Israeli government. Organizations such as the Student Struggle for Soviet Jewry and political efforts like the Jackson-Vanik Amendment to the U.S. Trade Act of 1974 (designed to punish Communist-bloc countries that prohibited emigration) all played a role. So, too, did protests and demonstrations, and no small number of intrepid American Jews who applied for and received visas to visit Russia and used their visits there to take books, music, and other educational and religious items to bolster the spirits and deepen the education of the repressed community.由于苏联的大门紧闭，解救苏联犹太人便成了美国犹太人和以色列政府的重要任务。诸如“为苏联犹太人而奋斗的学生组织”之类的团体，以及1974年《美国贸易法》中的“杰克逊-瓦尼克修正案”这类政治举措，都发挥了重要作用。抗议活动和示威游行同样起到了关键作用；还有许多勇敢的美国犹太人申请到了前往俄罗斯的签证，他们利用这些访问机会带去书籍、音乐以及其他教育和宗教用品，以此鼓舞被压迫的犹太人群体，增强他们的精神力量并促进他们的教育发展。Slowly, the gates opened. In 1970, 992 immigrants to Israel came from the Soviet Union. By 1980, that number was 7,570. In 1990, it was 185,227. By the time the mass immigration had subsided, shortly after 2000, some one million Soviet Jews had made their way to the Jewish state, changing its character dramatically.大门缓缓打开了。1970年，有992名来自苏联的移民来到了以色列；到1980年，这一数字上升到了7,570人；而1990年时，这一数字已经达到了185,227人。到了2000年之后，大规模移民潮逐渐消退，大约有一百万名苏联犹太人来到了这个犹太国家，从而彻底改变了这个国家的面貌。Like many who had come before them, Soviet immigrants often arrived with little money and needed significant support upon arrival. Many who had been highly trained in the Soviet Union had to settle for menial jobs in the competitive Israeli job market. The massive number of Soviet immigrants enabled them to publish their own newspapers and magazines, and often to live in largely Russian neighborhoods. Not infrequently, all this aroused resentment in some Israelis, who viewed it as a disinclination to acculturate.与之前的许多移民一样，苏联移民到来时往往身无分文，因此需要得到大量的支持。那些在苏联接受过专业培训的人，在竞争激烈的以色列就业市场上不得不从事一些低层次的工作。由于苏联移民的数量众多，他们得以创办自己的报纸和杂志，并且通常居住在以俄罗斯人为主的社区里。不过，这一切常常会引起一些以色列人的不满，他们认为这些移民不愿融入当地文化。
• But this population was very different from the earlier Mizrachi immigrants. While it took time for them to be integrated into Israel society, this was a Western aliyah in many ways, comprised in part of highly educated university graduates. The new immigrants included engineers and physicians and others specializing in the arts and particularly in music. Soviet Jews joined Israel’s scientific and artistic communities, both supplying talent and creating a demand for educational and cultural services.但这批新移民与早前的米兹拉希移民截然不同。虽然他们需要一段时间才能融入以色列社会，但这次移民潮具有明显的“西方特征”：其中许多人都是受过高等教育的大学毕业生。这些新移民包括工程师、医生，以及从事艺术领域工作的人，尤其是音乐家。苏联犹太人加入了以色列的科学与艺术界，他们不仅为这些领域带来了人才，同时也增加了对教育和文化服务的需求。The man who became the public face of Soviet immigrants was the now iconic former Soviet Jewish “refusenik” Natan Sharansky. After having applied for permission to emigrate to Israel, Sharansky was imprisoned for nine years on trumped-up charges of having spied for the American Defense Intelligence Agency. After U.S. president Reagan finally placed great pressure on Soviet president Mikhail Gorbachev, Sharansky was released from prison. He immigrated to Israel, where he became an internationally acclaimed human rights activist and a Jewish symbol of courage. In 1996, he founded a political party named Yisrael Ba-Aliyah (a name that can mean both “Israel Making Aliyah” or “Israel on the Rise”) that catered primarily to the needs of Russians, leading him to a prominent place in the Knesset. With time, as Russian immigrants felt less of a need for their own party, Sharansky left formal politics, but he retained his standing as one of Israel’s leading statesmen and is among the Jewish people’s greatest living heroes.成为苏联移民代表人物的人，就是如今已被视为象征性人物的前苏联犹太人“拒服兵役者”纳坦·沙兰斯基。在申请移居以色列未获批准后，沙兰斯基以“为美国国防情报局从事间谍活动”这一捏造的罪名被关进了监狱，共服刑九年。直到里根总统对苏联总统米哈伊尔·戈尔巴乔夫施加了巨大压力，沙兰斯基才得以获释。他随后移居以色列，成为一位享誉国际的人权活动家，同时也成为了犹太民族中勇气与反抗精神的象征。1996年，他创立了一个名为“以色列回归党”的政党。这个名称既可以理解为“以色列正在回归故土”，也可以理解为“以色列正在崛起”。该政党主要服务于俄罗斯移民的需求，因此使他得以在以色列议会中占据重要地位。随着时间的推移，由于俄罗斯移民不再那么需要自己的政党了，沙兰斯基便退出了正式的政治舞台。不过，他依然被视为以色列最杰出的政治家之一，也是犹太民族现世最伟大的英雄人物之一。
• FOR HARD-LINE MUSLIMS, the accords were heresy. Israel had no right to exist on Arab land, they insisted, and they would never accept a deal. As a result, rather than heralding a period of peace, the signing of the Oslo Accords began a period of renewed and intensified Palestinian violence against Israelis. Now, the violence was far more deadly than it had been during the intifada. Hamas and other extremist Islamist groups in Gaza and the West Bank were carrying out suicide bombings, aimed mostly at Israeli civilians in Tel Aviv as well as cities within the Green Line (the 1949 armistice line), including Jerusalem, seeking massive casualties wherever possible in the hopes that they could derail the accords. More Israelis died in these attacks between 1994 and 1996 than had ever been killed by terror in such a short span of time in Israel’s history.18 Arafat only rarely publicly denounced the culpable parties. Occasionally, he had them arrested, only to release them when the world’s attention had shifted. To many Israelis, it was the ultimate unmasking of the Arafat at the UN General Assembly in 1974, who while extending an “olive branch” was wearing a holster. It was time for Arafat, many Israelis said, to tell his own people, in Arabic, that the violence had to cease. But Arafat would not do it.对于那些立场强硬的穆斯林来说，这些协议简直是异端行为。他们坚称，以色列无权在阿拉伯土地上存在，也绝不会接受任何形式的协议。因此，《奥斯陆协定》的签署并没有带来和平时期，反而引发了巴勒斯坦人对以色列人发动的更为激烈、致命的暴力活动。如今的暴力行为，其破坏性远远超过了第一次巴勒斯坦起义期间。哈马斯以及加沙和西岸的其他极端主义伊斯兰组织不断实施自杀性爆炸袭击，主要针对特拉维夫以及绿线地区（即1949年停战线划分出的区域）内的以色列平民，包括耶路撒冷。他们试图通过造成尽可能多的人员伤亡来破坏各项和平协议。1994年至1996年间，这些袭击造成的以色列人死亡人数，超过了以色列历史上任何一段短时间内因恐怖主义活动而死亡的人数。阿拉法特很少公开谴责这些肇事者；偶尔他会下令逮捕他们，但一旦国际社会的注意力转移到其他地方，他就会立即释放这些人。对许多以色列人来说，1974年阿阿拉夫特在联合国大会上的表现才是真正揭露其真实面目的一次机会。当时他虽然伸出了“橄榄枝”，但手上却握着枪套。许多以色列人认为，阿阿拉夫特应该用阿拉伯语告诉自己的人民：暴力必须停止。然而，阿阿拉夫特并没有这么做。
• INCREASING NUMBERS OF ISRAELIS, horrified that a “deal” with Arafat had unleashed terror rather than bringing peace, were beginning to believe that Israel had made a profound and existentially dangerous mistake. For some, the issue was explicitly theological; God had given the Land of Israel to the Jewish people, they believed, and any agreement to cede even a portion of it was heretical. Israel’s Jewish political and religious Far Right grew particularly vicious. At its rallies, there appeared signs with photos of Rabin made to look like Hitler—archenemy of the Jewish people. A few extremist rabbis referred to Rabin as a rodef (a person seeking the death of another), and a boged (traitor), categories that in Jewish law merit death. On one occasion, Benjamin “Bibi” Netanyahu, who would eventually become prime minister, was filmed speaking at a downtown Jerusalem rally above a sign (of which he may well have been unaware) that read DEATH TO RABIN.越来越多的以色列人开始意识到，与阿拉法特达成的“协议”非但没有带来和平，反而引发了恐怖主义活动。他们惊恐地认为，以色列犯下了一个极其严重、甚至会危及国家存亡的错误。对某些人来说，这个问题具有明显的宗教性质：他们相信，上帝是将以色列这片土地赐予犹太民族的，因此任何放弃哪怕是一部分这片土地的协议都是一种异端行为。以色列的犹太极端右翼势力变得尤为猖獗。在这些极右翼团体的集会上，会出现一些将拉宾与犹太民族的死敌希特勒相对照的标语牌。一些极端主义的拉比称拉宾为“罗德夫”——即企图杀害他人的人——以及“叛徒”；根据犹太法律，这两种人都是该被处死的。有一次，后来成为以色列总理的本雅明·“比比”·内塔尼亚胡在耶路撒冷市中心的一场集会上发表演讲时，画面中出现了一块标语牌，上面写着“处死拉宾”。不过他很可能并不知道这块标语牌的存在。Many Israelis worried that the unrestrained incitement would result in disaster. Sixty-two years after his own father had been gunned down on the Tel Aviv beach, Chaim Arlosoroff’s son pleaded with the nation in a column he wrote for one of Israel’s major newspapers. He believed it was incitement that had led to his father’s assassination, and that he was witnessing a chilling repeat of the same phenomenon. “The leaders of the right must cease to incite,” he wrote, “and must explain to their followers what can happen if incitement continues, otherwise all the blame will fall on them, as it did with the murder of Arlosoroff.”23许多以色列人担心，这种无节制的煽动行为最终会导致灾难。在父亲于特拉维夫海滩上遭枪杀62年后，柴姆·阿洛索罗夫的儿子在为以色列一家主要报纸撰写的文章中向全国人民发出了呼吁。他认为，正是煽动行为导致了父亲的遇害，而如今他正在目睹这一悲剧的再次上演。“右翼领导人必须停止煽动行为，”他写道，“并且必须向他们的追随者说明：如果煽动继续下去，将会发生什么后果；否则，所有的责任都将落在他们身上，就像阿洛索罗夫被谋杀时那样。”Despite his apparent private misgivings, Rabin continued to shore up support for the Oslo Accords. To demonstrate to Israel and to the world that the Jewish state remained behind the agreements it had signed with Arafat, he and Shimon Peres called for a massive pro-peace rally in Tel Aviv on November 4, 1995. En masse, Israelis answered the call. Estimates put the size of the crowd that gathered at 150,000, perhaps more.24 Speaking to the thousands of exultant Israelis who still believed that peace was possible, Rabin said: 尽管内心可能存在疑虑，拉宾仍继续努力巩固人们对《奥斯陆协议》的支持。为了向以色列人民和全世界表明犹太国依然恪守着自己与阿拉法特签署的协议，他和西蒙·佩雷斯于1995年11月4日在特拉维夫发起了一场大规模的和平集会。成千上万的以色列人响应了这一号召，据估计，参加这次集会的人数达到了15万之多。面对那些仍然相信和平有望实现的以色列民众，拉宾发表了讲话。I was a military man for twenty-seven years. I fought as long as there was no chance for peace. I believe that there is now a chance for peace, a great chance. We must take advantage of it for the sake of those standing here, and for those who are not here—and they are many. I have always believed that the majority of the people want peace and are ready to take risks for peace. In coming here today, you demonstrate, together with many others who did not come, that the people truly desire peace and oppose violence.我当了二十七年的军人。只要没有和平的希望，我就会继续战斗下去。我相信，现在确实存在着实现和平的机会，一个难得的机会。为了在这里的所有人，以及那些未能来到这里的人们——而这样的人很多——我们必须抓住这个机会。我一直相信，大多数人都渴望和平，并且愿意为和平而承担风险。今天你们来到这里，与许多没有前来的人一起，证明了人们真正渴望和平、反对暴力。Violence erodes the basis of Israeli democracy. It must be condemned and isolated. This is not the way of the State of Israel. In a democracy there can be differences, but the final decision will be taken in democratic elections, as the 1992 elections which gave us the mandate to do what we are doing, continue on this course.25暴力会侵蚀以色列民主制度的基础。这种行为必须受到谴责和抵制。这绝不是以色列应当采取的方式。在民主国家中，人们之间可能存在分歧，但最终的决定应该通过民主选举来做出。1992年的选举就为我们提供了履行当前职责的授权，我们正继续沿着这条道路前进。When he concluded his speech, Rabin joined the rally in singing “Shir La-Shalom,” “A Song to Peace,” which had become the anthem of the pro-peace camp. The Tel Aviv square reverberated with the sounds of the refrain: 拉宾结束演讲后，也加入了人群，一起唱起了《Shir La-Shalom》——这首已成为支持和平阵营象征的歌曲。特拉维夫的广场上回荡着这首歌的副歌部分。Don’t [just] say the day will come,Bring that day about不要只是说那一天总会到来，而是要真正让那一天成为现实。For it is no dream因为这绝不是梦境。And in all the city’s squaresCry out for peace!26在整个城市的各个广场上，人们都在呼喊着和平！As Rabin made his way to the car that awaited him, Yigal Amir, a twenty-five-year-old religious law student at Bar Ilan University, managed to work his way through Rabin’s security detail and fired three bullets into the prime minister. Rabin was rushed to the hospital, and as news of the shooting spread, an anxious nation held its breath.当拉宾走向那辆等待他的汽车时，来自巴伊兰大学的25岁宗教法律专业学生伊加尔·阿米尔突破了拉宾的安保人员包围，向这位总理开了三枪。拉宾被立即送往医院。随着枪击事件的消息传开，整个国家都陷入了焦急与不安之中。

 17 The Peace Process Stalls

• It was lost on very few Israelis that what all these brief wars had in common was that they were all “wars that Israel was unable to win” in any decisive manner. In all of them, Israel and whoever it was fighting—Hezbollah (in Lebanon) or Hamas (in Gaza), depending on the conflict—bloodied each other but achieved no substantive strategic gain. Hezbollah and Hamas failed to get Israel to capitulate, withdraw, or change any major policy, while Israel was unable to destroy those terror networks or assure itself that they would not attack again. In fact, Israelis began to realize, they had not really won a war since 1973. True, the IDF had performed admirably in 2002’s Operation Defensive Shield, which was in effect a short war, but Israel had had no decisive wins of the 1967 sort in decades and found itself arrayed against an enemy much more tenacious and brutal than many had previously imagined.几乎没有哪个以色列人会忽视这样一个事实：所有这些短暂的战争都有一个共同点，那就是以色列都未能以决定性的方式赢得这些战争。在每一次这样的冲突中，以色列与其对手——无论是黎巴嫩的真主党还是加沙的哈马斯——虽然都造成了人员伤亡，但却没有任何实质性的战略成果。真主党和哈马斯既没有迫使以色列屈服、撤军，也没有使其改变任何重要的政策；而以色列则既无法摧毁那些恐怖组织，也无法确保它们不会再发动攻击。事实上，以色列人逐渐意识到，自1973年以来，他们实际上从未真正赢得过任何一场战争。的确，以色列国防军在2002年的“防御之盾”行动中表现十分出色。那场行动实际上算是一场短暂的战争，但以色列已经几十年没有取得过像1967年那样的决定性胜利了。而且，他们面对的敌人比许多人之前想象的要顽强、凶残得多。
• In the conflicts, as casualties mounted, Israelis took note of an additional change in their society. If in the 1960s it had been the kibbutzim that had produced officers—and suffered casualties—at rates disproportionate to their percentage of the population, it was now the national religious community that had taken on that role. By 2010, though the national religious community represented no more than 10 percent of Israel’s population, they made up some 25 to 30 percent of soldiers in combat units. Similarly, there had been a dramatic increase in the percentage of graduates of the officers’ training course who were from the religious community; that rate had risen from a mere 2.5 percent in 1990 to 26 percent in 2008.27 Israel’s military leadership—but also its patriotic passion—was now coming from a very different segment of society.在这些冲突中，随着伤亡人数的不断增加，以色列人发现了他们社会中的另一项变化。20世纪60年代时，是以色列的基布兹社区那些士兵的伤亡比例远远高于他们在总人口中所占的比例；而如今，承担这一角色的则变成了国家宗教团体。到2010年时，虽然国家宗教团体仅占以色列人口的10%左右，但他们却占了作战部队中约25%到30%的士兵人数。同时，从宗教团体中毕业并成为军官的人所占比例也有了显著上升——这一比例从1990年的2.5%提高到了2008年的26%。以色列的军事领导力量，以及民众的爱国热情，现在都来自于社会中的另一个不同群体了。IF IN THE CONFLICT with the Palestinians Israel was stuck, in other realms it was flourishing. In the 1950s, Israel had been out of money and had no resources for housing or food for the hundreds of thousands of immigrants coming to its shores from North Africa and elsewhere. By the end of the twentieth century and the beginning of the twenty-first, Israel had become a technological powerhouse.虽然在与巴勒斯坦人的冲突中陷入困境，但在其他领域以色列却发展得十分顺利。20世纪50年代时，以色列资金短缺，根本没有能力为从北非和其他地区涌入该国的数十万移民提供住房或食物。到了20世纪末和21世纪初，以色列已经发展成为了一个科技强国。In the sixty years since its founding, Israel’s economy had grown fiftyfold.28 By 2008, Israel had an annual 3.1 percent growth rate in GDP, one of the highest in the world at that time.29 It had the highest concentration of engineers and research and development spending in the world, as well as the highest concentration of startups.30 In that same year, Israel had the second-highest number of companies listed on NASDAQ (the United States was first), with more companies on the list than the entire European continent combined.31 Per capita venture capital investments in Israel were “2.5 times greater than in the US, thirty times greater than in Europe, 80 times greater than in China, and 350 times greater than in India.”32自建国以来的六十年间，以色列的经济规模增长了五十倍。到2008年时，以色列的GDP年均增长率为3.1%，这一增长率在当时属于世界最高水平之一。该国拥有全球最高的工程师比例、最高的研发支出水平，以及最多的初创企业。同年，以色列在纳斯达克上市的公司数量位居世界第二（美国排名第一），其上市企业总数甚至超过了整个欧洲大陆的企业数量总和。以色列的人均风险投资额是美国的2.5倍，是欧洲的30倍，是中国的80倍，是印度的350倍。
• Several factors had contributed to this enormous success. One was the many thousands of educated Russians who had made their way to Israel, creating a cadre of very ambitious people anxious to overcome the deficits that immigration had wrought. “Immigrants,” a leading Israeli policy expert noted, “are not averse to starting over. They are, by definition, risk-takers. Any nation of immigrants is a nation of entrepreneurs.”33 Israel was now reaping the benefits of having been committed, from the outset, to offering a home to Jews no matter where they came from. The integration of Russian immigrants into Israeli education, the army, society, and the economy enriched the still young state in numerous ways.这一巨大成功的背后有多种因素在起作用。其中之一，就是成千上万的受过教育的俄罗斯人来到了以色列。这些雄心勃勃的人愿意努力弥补移民带来的各种缺陷。一位以色列著名政策专家指出：“移民并不排斥重新开始生活；从定义上来说，他们就是敢于冒险的人。任何由移民组成的国家，其实都是一个由企业家组成的国家。”以色列之所以能够取得如今的成功，正是因为它从一开始就致力于为来自世界各地的犹太人提供庇护所。俄罗斯移民融入以色列的教育体系、军队、社会以及经济领域，以多种方式为这个尚处于发展初期的国家带来了丰富的活力。Other factors also contributed to Israel’s becoming a “startup nation.” When in the mid-1980s, the joint U.S.-Israel program to design the Lavi fighter plane was shut down in response to mounting pressure from the U.S. Congress,34 some fifteen hundred highly trained Israeli engineers suddenly found themselves unemployed. Many of those engineers were those who then created the startups that made Israel a leader in technology, brought tremendous wealth to part of Israeli society, and gave Israel once unimaginable positive visibility among investors and inventors across the globe.35还有其他一些因素也促成了以色列成为“创业型国家”。20世纪80年代中期，由于美国国会的不断施压，美以联合开发的“拉维”战斗机项目被迫终止，结果大约1500名受过高等教育的以色列工程师突然失去了工作。其中许多工程师后来创立了各种创业企业，这些企业使以色列成为了科技领域的领导者，为该国部分社会群体带来了巨大的财富，同时也让以色列在全球投资者和发明家眼中获得了前所未有的良好形象。

 18 A Jewish Renaissance in the Jewish State

• In the Israeli movie industry, major films began to examine, often with a sympathetic even if critical eye, the world of Jewish tradition that most of secular Israel had long ignored or viewed with derision. In 1999, Kadosh (Hebrew for “sacred”) cast a critical but not entirely unsympathetic eye on the secular world’s narrow and dismissive view of ultra-Orthodox life. Fill the Void, released in 2012, focused on a modern ultra-Orthodox twist of the biblical tradition of levirate marriage; the film tells the story of a young woman pressured into marrying her sister’s husband after her sister dies in childbirth.* Get (Hebrew for “writ of divorce”), a 2014 film, explored the power that Jewish men could exert over their wives in government-sanctioned rabbinic courts. Perhaps the best known of the rapidly expanding genre was Footnote, a 2011 film that focused on the troubled relationship between a father and a son, both of whom are Israeli professors of Talmud. The father, interested in highly technical academic aspects of the Talmudic text, is appalled by his son’s search for contemporary meaning in the text—and the throngs of students who are attracted to his son’s new (and in the father’s mind, insufficiently academically serious) approach. The battle between the generations, a realistic assessment of what was transpiring in Israeli academe, was a clear reference to Ruth Calderon’s generation yearning for exposure to the Talmud not as a scientific discipline, but as part of a journey of searching for life’s meaning in the company of Jewish texts.在以色列电影产业中，越来越多的电影开始以一种既同情又略带批判的态度来审视犹太传统世界——而这个传统世界长期以来一直被世俗的以色列社会所忽视或嘲笑。1999年上映的电影《Kadosh》以批判的目光展现了世俗社会对极端正统派犹太人生活方式的狭隘与轻视态度，但这种批判并非完全缺乏同情心。2012年上映的《Fill the Void》则将圣经中的“夫娶弟媳”的传统进行了现代化的演绎：这部电影讲述了一位年轻女性在姐姐分娩时去世后，被迫嫁给姐姐的丈夫的故事。2014年上映的电影《Get》（在希伯来语中意为“离婚判决书”）探讨了犹太男性在政府认可的拉比法庭上对妻子们所拥有的权力。这一迅速发展中的电影类型中最著名的作品当属2011年的电影《注释》。该片讲述了一位以色列塔木德学教授与他的儿子之间充满矛盾的关系。这位父亲专注于塔木德文本中那些极其技术性的学术内容，而他的儿子则试图为这些文本赋予现代意义；同时，也有许多学生被儿子这种新的、在父亲看来缺乏学术严肃性的研究方法所吸引。代际之间的冲突——这一对以色列学术界现状的真实描述——显然指的是鲁思·卡尔德隆那一代人：他们渴望接触《塔木德》，但并非将其视为一门科学学科，而是将其看作是在犹太经典陪伴下探寻生命意义的过程的一部分。
• By 1963, when Ben-Gurion realized that he had been wrong to release Haredi students from army service, he wrote Eshkol, who was then prime minister: “I released yeshiva students from army service. I did so when their number was small, but now they are increasing. When they run amok, they represent a danger to the honor of the state.”11到了1963年，当本-古里安意识到自己免除哈雷迪派学生服兵役的决定是错误的时，他写信给当时的总理埃什科尔，说道：“我曾经免除了那些耶希瓦学校学生的兵役义务。当初他们的数量还不多，但现在这个群体正在逐渐扩大。一旦他们失控、行为放纵，就会对国家的尊严构成威胁。” Much more than the state’s honor was at stake, however, and Ben-Gurion had failed to recognize the full gravity of the mistake he had made. By 2014, Haredim constituted approximately 15 percent of Israel’s Jewish population, and the percentage was growing; the average fertility rate for Haredi women was 6.2 children, while for the non-Haredi Jewish population it was 2.4.12 Because the vast majority of Haredi boys cease their secular education at the age of fourteen, they are much less prepared for the job market and remain increasingly dependent on the government. In 2010, the universally liked and admired Bank of Israel governor, Stanley Fischer, warned that without a significant change in policy, Israel’s prosperity in light of the Haredi numbers was simply “not sustainable.”13然而，利害关系远不止国家的声誉那么简单，本-古里安也没有意识到自己所犯错误的严重性。到2014年时，哈雷迪派成员已经占以色列犹太人口的约15%，而且这一比例还在继续上升：哈雷迪派女性的平均生育率为6.2个孩子，而非哈雷迪派犹太女性的平均生育率则为2.4个孩子。由于绝大多数哈雷迪派男孩在14岁时就停止了世俗教育，因此他们面对就业市场时准备严重不足，也越来越依赖政府。2010年，深受人们喜爱和尊敬的以色列央行行长斯坦利·费舍尔曾警告说，如果不对相关政策进行重大调整，那么考虑到哈雷迪派人口的增长趋势，以色列的繁荣状况是“无法持续”的。

 Conclusion: A Century After Balfour—“A National Home for the Jewish People”

• But we are still here . . . clinging to this shore and living on this shore. Come what may.但我们仍然在这里……紧抓着这片海岸，继续生活在这片土地上。无论发生什么，我们都依然留在这里。—Ari Shavit, My Promised Land1——阿里·沙维特，《我的应许之地》
• A century has passed since the 1917 Balfour Declaration’s assertion that “His Majesty’s government views with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people.” A national home for the Jewish people has, indeed, been established in the Land of Israel, and it is now home to more Jews than any other place in the world.自1917年《贝尔福宣言》宣称“英国政府赞成在巴勒斯坦为犹太人民建立一个家园”以来，已经过去了一个世纪。的确，一个属于犹太人民的家园已经在以色列这片土地上建立起来了，如今那里居住的犹太人数量比世界上任何其他地方都要多。

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